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Our tech overlords are planning for conscious AI to conquer the cosmos. What could go wrong? | Technology | The Guardian

Our tech overlords are planning for conscious AI to conquer the cosmos. What could go wrong? | Technology | The Guardian

"Sam Altman, the chief executive of OpenAI, took to the Internet a few years ago to propose that homo sapiens would be the first species “to design our own descendants”. In his best case scenario, the “merge” between humans and artificial intelligence occurs at some point over the next 50 years. The alternative, where we remain simply human and the machines follow their own path, is more ominous. “If two different species both want the same thing and only one can have it – in this case, to be the dominant species on the planet and beyond – they are going to have conflict,” he wrote.

More recently, Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, who at one point last year was granted the power to reconfigure the US federal government, argued on his social media platform, X, that “it increasingly appears that humanity is a biological bootloader for digital superintelligence” – our role in the history of the cosmos reduced to that of the low level code that boots up a computer before you can run sophisticated programs on it.

And Musk is on the tame side of the evolutionary proposition. According to Silicon Valley lore, he once pushed back against Google co-founder Larry Page’s claim that our next manifestation, to follow in the steps of the meat-and-bone humans you see walking about today, would necessarily have digital form in order to spread throughout the galaxy. (In fact, he recently testified in court that it was those concerns that prompted him to found OpenAI with Altman.) Meat and bones do not make for efficient interstellar travelers.

It would be a mistake to understand these weird worldviews as an ultimately harmless take by techies who grew up on a diet of dystopian science fiction. The notion that we are approaching the end of the homo sapiens, as defined since Darwin’s day, is coalescing into a durable body of belief among the elites at the helm of our technological future.

Their dreams are not all perfectly aligned. But like the folk stories and superstitions that have for ever revolved around more established religious traditions, the collection of far-fetched scenarios valley oligarchs are writing into our future exhibits the hallmarks of a religion in the making, a body of belief to confer a sense of cosmic transcendence and inevitability to their hi-tech project.

In their minds, they are on their way to build the next phase of humanity, a “transhuman” future. In this future, they can satisfy their desire for immortality and assert power over the cosmos as transhumans multiply and expand across the galaxy. Their ultimate goal: to execute on a techno-mystical dream to distill the essence of what it is to be human, consciousness and all, into bits of information to be downloaded as binary code on to some non-biological substrate such as a silicon chip, or beamed through space as electromagnetic waves.

The mythopoeic infrastructure assembled in and around San Francisco carries risk for humanity as we know it. It justifies steering technology along a path that is, at best, indifferent to the needs, hopes and aspirations of everyday humans in a quest to deliver a future that only looks like utopia to these masters of the universe.

Who cares if artificial intelligence obliterates humdrum human labor when it offers us the opportunity to transcend our body and conquer the galaxy? The fantasy directs the technology: rather than building economically useful tools that can help humans expand their capabilities, the overlords of AI are sinking vast resources into a dream of building superhumans.

These beliefs have pushed to the fore over the last quarter century, accompanying the advance of information technologies that have delivered enormous wealth and power to a new IT elite, one committed to science-based progress and hungry for transcendent meaning, but indifferent or even hostile to the propositions and moral constraints of organized religion.

“Silicon Valley has been a militantly secular space,” a prominent thinker about technology whose employer would be unhappy if he went on record told me. “It created a God-shaped hole, which it filled in its image.” Having rejected standard religious sources of purpose, they found an alternative path to provide their lives with significance via sci-fi transhuman dreams. Or as Musk observed in a singsong post on X: “Atheism left an empty space. Secular religion took its place.”

While this newfangled cosmogony has been cobbled together at least since the early days of the Internet, it reached toward breathtaking new horizons on the shoulders of artificial intelligence, which opened up vast new possibilities for the transhuman dream. Douglas Rushkoff, a critic of the technological oligarchy and its ambitions, put it thus, referencing the 1980s-era satire featuring the first ever “computer-generated” TV host. “I guess AI makes the notion of having a Max Headroom existence plausible.”

Weird though the valley’s proposed utopia may appear, it fits a longer tradition of business titans with vast unrestrained wealth seeking to endow their endeavors with transcendent value. Henry Ford, as historian Kati Curts has written, also believed his calling was about more than transforming manufacturing to make cars; he believed he was on a mission to re-engineer the world to improve society.

Ford built Fordlândia, an attempt to create a harmonic social order supported by an industrial-scale rubber plantation in the Brazilian rainforest. Altman, Musk and the valley gang want to merge consciousness with AI and conquer the cosmos. The distance between these visions has mostly to do with the technological possibilities of their time. The proposition that they are engineering some utopian vision that humanity should be grateful for is not that dissimilar.

a view of buildings
Fordlândia in Aveiro, Brazil. Photograph: Joel Auerbach/Getty Images

As Nobel prize winning economist Daron Acemoglu wrote: “The handful of people unleashing this technology on the world are guided by an ideology of control (over humanity) and by a conviction that machines are uniformly better than humans.”

The danger, for the rest of us, is how the technological oligarchy’s aspirations will reshape the economies and societies of our present, as they redirect resources – capital, energy, minerals, water – to turbocharge AI and bring about the transhuman dream at the expense of healthcare, education or poverty reduction in the here and now.

While Americans are starting to show some signs of discomfort over the unrestrained appetites of this crop of AI moguls, the Trump administration has shown few signs so far of wanting to put in place regulatory guardrails and constrain their efforts in any way.

Future utopias on the menu

There are a variety of views in the valley about what a future humanity should look like.

Altman and Page are perhaps the most committed to the goal of merging humans with superintelligent technology and abandoning the flesh. Altman was an early subscriber to Nectome, a valley startup that proposes to retrieve information present in the brain’s anatomical layout and molecular details in order to replicate consciousness in the future. “I assume my brain will be uploaded to the cloud,” Altman told the MIT Technology Review.

Musk wants something a bit different, also spacebound but committed to flesh, enhanced by computers via something like his own brain-to-computer interface company Neuralink. Peter Thiel, of PayPal and Palantir fame, frowns on “just a computer program that simulates me”, but is drawn to the techno-ideal of “this radical transformation where your human, natural body gets transformed into an immortal body”.

And yet, the visions converge. Page, for instance, has suggested that rather than giving money to charity he might just give it to Musk. As he once told Charlie Rose, Musk wants to go to Mars to provide a backup planet for humanity to expand and that is a worthy goal to contribute to.

There are shared sources that provide some sense of moral purpose to the various flavors of sci-fi ambition. One of the core starting points is rather earthbound: the movement for effective altruism (EA), which seduced the technological elite with its appeal to unflinching rationality. Philanthropy, the EAs argued, was largely wasted by funding, say, the local library. Donors had to be purposeful, carefully directing their money to where it would do the most good for the most people.

That is not an unreasonable proposition. It encouraged laudable efforts to, say, eradicate malaria in Africa, on the grounds that one could save a whole human life for a small fistfull of dollars. But it eventually departed from the needs of present earthlings.

a man walks outside
Peter Thiel after a meeting with Argentina’s president, Javier Milei, at the Casa Rosada presidential palace in Buenos Aires, Argentina. Photograph: Matias Baglietto/Reuters

First, it was the longtermists, who emerged from effective altruism to argue that improving the world of the future was worthier than spending on the present. From there it took but one small step to move the goalposts to the cosmos: how about focusing on the wellbeing of myriad future transhumans populating the vast reaches of the galaxy in the far future? Maybe they will be of the flesh. Maybe not.

It’s easy to get lost in the tangle of beliefs and aspirations – articulated and refined by academics like William MacAskill and Nick Bostrom, at university departments or thinktanks funded by the techno-oligarch’s mushrooming wealth. They draw from unorthodox ethics, and from idiosyncratic readings of the laws of physics. The goal: to justify the imperative to take humanity (or at least the most privileged part of it) where it has never gone before.

One of this crew’s goals is to advance up the Kardashev scale – a measure of the amount of energy a civilization consumes – to harness the energy and acquire the technological capabilities needed to transcend our biological confines. Present day humanity, at the bottom of the ladder, doesn’t even consume all of the energy of the Earth. Advanced civilizations, the thinking goes, are expected to consume all the energy of their star, at least, if not all that of the galaxy.

One of the earlier groups pushing for a transhuman future in the 1990s were the ultra-libertarian Extropians, which included leading intellectuals such as Eliezer Yudkowsky, Bostrom and economist Robin Hanson. Outlined in their core principles, they proposed “Boundless Expansion: Seeking more intelligence, wisdom, and effectiveness, an unlimited lifespan, and the removal of political, cultural, biological, and psychological limits to self-actualization and self-realization. Perpetually overcoming constraints on our progress and possibilities. Expanding into the universe and advancing without end.”

Another, more recent branch, are the effective accelerationists. They have tried to conscript physics to their cause, arguing – controversially – that maximizing intelligent life is an imperative, because life is good at extracting available energy from the environment and dissipating it – increasing what is known in physics as “entropy”.

As Beff Jezos – the online identity of Guillaume Verdon, one of the leading lights of the movement – puts it: “Effective accelerationism aims to follow the ‘will of the universe’: leaning into the thermodynamic bias towards futures with greater and smarter civilizations that are more effective at finding/extracting free energy from the universe and converting it to utility at grander and grander scales.”

In a philosophical twist that surely pleases Silicon Valley’s billionaires, effective accelerationists argue for rampant techno-capitalism, unhindered by regulation, government and other nuisances, because this would maximize the consumption of the universe’s resources, “capture civilizational utility”, and dissipate the residue into the disorganized void.

The details of the dream don’t actually make much of a difference. Because they all take us roughly to the same place. What matters now is whether the masters of the universe – invested in harnessing the energy of the stars, tempted by a moral calculus that posits that the wellbeing of the people of the present is of inferior value to the vastly more numerous humanoids of the future – will have the patience to care for the rest of us.

The signs are not great. Silicon Valley venture capitalist Marc Andreessen, for instance, wants to “ensure the techno-capital upward spiral continues forever”. His list of enemiesencompasses pretty much any person or idea that might stand against technological endeavor. That includes “sustainability”, “social responsibility” and “tech ethics”.

Thiel is unusual in this crowd in that he is fiercely committed to an idiosyncratic variant of Christianity in which anybody standing in the way of technology, or governments that try to tax him, show up as the antichrist. But though he claims little affinity with Andreesen, he seems to have similar tastes. A diehard libertarian, he is contemptuous of government redistribution. His philanthropy is about for-profit investments in projects to further technological progress. Charity, as commonly understood, amounts to wasting resources that technologists will need to transcend our present. Musk has called empathy “the fundamental weakness of western civilization”.

Regardless of the specific features of their transhuman dreams, the narrative crafted by Silicon Valley billionaires justifies their vast accumulation of power. As computer science pioneer and tech visionary Jaron Lanier told me: “If you create God but you own God you become the dictator.” And these dictators don’t seem to believe earthbound humans – most of us, at least – are particularly valuable. Questioned in February about the vast amounts of energy sucked up by AI, Altman noted, somewhat disparagingly, that “it also takes a lot of energy to train a human.”

a man looks off to the side
Jaron Lanier in his home in Santa Cruz, California. Photograph: Winni Wintermeyer/The Guardian

The flat-out indifference toward the rest of us is evident in their frequent assessmentsabout what AI could bring down upon us – ending human work, building weapons of mass destruction, even bringing about human extinction in the service of making paperclips. Palantir’s manifesto notes that “one age of deterrence, the atomic age, is ending, and a new era of deterrence built on A.I. is set to begin.” Or as Musk once put it, before he changed his mind, launched xAI and merged it with SpaceX, “with AI we are summoning the demon.”

Yet they admittedly have no idea what they are doing. “People outside the field are often surprised and alarmed to learn that we do not understand how our own AI creations work,” Anthropic co-founder Dario Amodei wrote last year. “They are right to be concerned: this lack of understanding is essentially unprecedented in the history of technology.” Amodei has deep ties to effective altruism; his sister Daniela, Anthropic’s president, is married to a founder of the movement. Recently, though, they’ve both distanced themselves from it.

What’s particularly distressing is how unconstrained these moguls are, as they pursue the futuristic utopia they plan to build with their machines. Tech billionaires are plowing hundreds of millions into political campaigns, to fend off attempts at regulation and evade accountability lest their endeavors go awry. They want to make sure nobody butts in as they work to reshape society. And they are largely succeeding – for now, no one with the power to stop them is butting in.

What is to be done?

How should society intervene? Does our political system provide the tools to help steer the process in a pro-social direction? Beyond the uncertain impact of technology on our future economic and social landscape, how should we address the narrow concentration of the fruits of these endeavors to build transhuman cyborgs with silicon brains?

The Trump administration has shown little interest so far in resisting the tech oligarch’s fantasy. But that doesn’t necessarily mean that the valley oligarchs’ project of techno-domination is inevitable. Misgivings are emerging among the Maga base: The folks in rural Virginia who push back against datacenters hogging power and water supplies, evangelicals wary of a cosmopolitan elite claiming recourse to a tech-inflected higher authority.

Other signs of trouble are brewing for the AI project – from college graduates booing commencement speakers who extol AI, to Trump’s brief moment of concern over the potential criminal capabilities of Anthropic’s new Mythos model before deciding not to regulate the thing after all. In the latest Times-Siena poll from earlier in May, more than twice as many registered voters said AI is mostly bad, compared with those saying it was mostly good.

Perhaps the most forceful, pro-human position has come from the Holy Father himself. On Monday, Pope Leo published the encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, pushing back against the unfettered development of AI at the expense of jobs and social equity. “This creates a paradox of material progress and anthropological regression that undermines the foundations of a just and stable social peace,” he added.

a man religious vestments looks ahead
Pope Leo attends the presentation of Magnifica Humanitas in Vatican City. Photograph: Alessia Giuliani/CPP/Shutterstock

One might also take comfort in the fact that the oligarchs’ dreamscape is so far-fetched. Ford and his civilizatory dream again come to mind. Fordlândia today lies in ruins. A pointless water tower pokes into the sky from the banks of the Amazon, large decrepit houses in the American suburban aesthetic surround a lifeless playground and a long-empty swimming pool.

There are the ruins of nurseries, where as Federico Guzmán Rubio writes in his book There is Such a Place, Ford’s aversion to cows meant the children of workers were introduced to soy milk, shipped in from miles away. There are the ruins of schools where kids were taught about Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. What’s left is testament to the incongruous dreams of an oligarchy that overvalued its power and confused its appetites with the greater good.

The AI-fueled cosmic fantasy is no less nuts. Forget the part where human consciousness is rendered in digital form, merged with AI and beamed across the galaxy. The ostensibly more down-to-earth proposition that conscious AI is not just possible but around the corner is in fundamental tension with our tenuous grasp of what consciousness is. Even more mundane objectives, such as getting artificial intelligence to train itself, keep getting pushed forward into the event horizon.

Perhaps this time too the outlandish claims will fade into irrelevance; the Star-Trek vision of people being dematerialized and beamed up and down around the galaxy will decay into some rustbound heap. Maybe the transhuman project will give way to a more or less recognizably human future with some cool new AI plugins. Maybe it can even be achieved in a way that serves our long-forgotten dream of equitable prosperity.

So far, though, our technological visionaries are pushing for something else, a future marked by vast concentrations of wealth and power, indifferent to the humdrum aspirations of the unwashed many. In the unlikely event that it succeeds in taking the essence of Page, Musk and their ilk aboard a silicon body to “where no man has gone before”, here’s hoping that they don’t destroy the world we know in the process.

  • Eduardo Porter is a journalist focused on economics and politics. He is a Guardian US columnist and writes the newsletter Being There on Substack"

Our tech overlords are planning for conscious AI to conquer the cosmos. What could go wrong? | Technology | The Guardian

Inside the Deal to Drop Trump’s $10 Billion Suit Against the I.R.S.

 

Inside the Deal to Drop Trump’s $10 Billion Suit Against the I.R.S.

"Discussions among a group of lawyers with allegiance to the president were closely held. Some senior White House officials were said to have felt blindsided as the agreement took shape.


People walking outside the I.R.S. building.
An agreement to set up a $1.8 billion fund to pay people deemed to have been harmed by government “weaponization” and to grant tax benefits to President Trump, his family and businesses was brokered by a tight-knit group of lawyers.Jason Andrew for The New York Times

Time was running out.

President Trump had sued the I.R.S. for $10 billion, and a federal judge was pressing the Justice Department to explain how it could muster an independent defense of the agency against the man who ultimately controlled it.

Behind the scenes, the job of addressing the vexing problem of how to settle the suit fell to a tight-knit group of lawyers, all of whom had allegiance to Mr. Trump.

On one side of the talks was a Justice Department run by Todd Blanche, the acting attorney general who once served as Mr. Trump’s criminal defense lawyer.

On the other were the president’s private lawyers, among them Boris Epshteyn, who was a former client of Mr. Blanche’s. Mr. Epshteyn played a significant role in moving forward the deal to end the suit, coordinating and holding discussions with all of the sides involved: Mr. Trump, the president’s personal lawyers and Justice Department officials, according to multiple people familiar with the matter.

The discussions were so closely held that some senior White House officials told others that they were blindsided, learning of them only once the agreement was nearly complete.

In the end, the lawyers’ solution did not give Mr. Trump what his lawsuit had demanded, which was simply to move funds from the Treasury Department into his own pocket. But the agreement that was reached was still a big victory for the president and his allies: It set up a $1.8 billion fund to pay people deemed to have been harmed by so-called government “weaponization” — possibly including hundreds of rioters charged with storming the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021 — and released Mr. Trump and his businesses from potentially costly I.R.S. audits.

This article is based on interviews with more than a dozen people who discussed internal deliberations about the I.R.S. suit on the condition of anonymity.

The White House did not respond to requests for comment. Mr. Epshteyn declined to comment.

A spokeswoman for the Justice Department said that anyone who believed they were a victim of government weaponization could apply for money from the fund, claiming that many people had been victimized by the Biden administration.

Much is still unknown about how the arrangement came about. But the plan drafted by a group of Trump allies posed conflicts of interest that are remarkable, even for an administration riddled with them.

As questions have mounted about the nature of the deal, the federal judge who oversaw the lawsuit, Kathleen M. Williams, took the extraordinary step on Friday of revisiting the case, asking whether the parties had deceived her.

When the details of the agreement were first revealed two weeks ago, Democrats and former government officials lodged accusations of corruption and self-dealing, and even some Republicans reacted with scornful disbelief. Some G.O.P. senators were so angry they abandoned plans to approve a measure to finance the administration’s immigration crackdown.

Within days of the agreement becoming public, and before the judge raised questions about it, senior administration officials began preparing to get rid of the fund amid the intense blowback. Those discussions were reported earlier by The Wall Street Journal.

But while the agreement appeared to have emerged abruptly, it fused two ideas that had been kicking around in Mr. Trump’s circle for years: a desire by him and his family to avoid extensive tax audits, and a longing by his allies to obtain financial restitution for legal wrongs they claimed to have suffered during the Biden administration.

Sign up to get Maggie Haberman's articles emailed to you.  Maggie Haberman is a White House correspondent reporting on President Trump.

In its broad strokes, the plan was in keeping with other maneuvers by Mr. Trump. As president, he has often used the levers of power at his command to serve himself at a moment when he still maintains control over the government, including having the United States accept a $400 million luxury jet from Qatar that he could fly as president and intend to take later. But in establishing a fund that would involve billions in taxpayer money, the deal stands alone.

The president himself has said little about how the agreement came together or who played a role in resolving the suit, which faulted the I.R.S. for the leak of his tax information to The New York Times during his first term. The closest he has come in recent days was a post on social media in which he declared that he had given up “a lot of money” by “allowing” the fund to be created.

“I could have settled my case, including the illegal release of my Tax Returns and the equally illegal BREAK IN of Mar-a-Lago, for an absolute fortune,” Mr. Trump wrote. “Instead, I am helping others, who were so badly abused by an evil, corrupt, and weaponized Biden Administration, receive, at long last, JUSTICE!”

Trump v. Trump

Mr. Trump’s lawsuit against the I.R.S. landed at the Justice Department with a thud in late January.

By early spring, lawyers there were already wrestling with the legal dilemma the president’s pleading had created.

After all, to defend the I.R.S. against Mr. Trump, the department would have to fight a sitting president who was technically in charge of the agency and who demanded total loyalty from his subordinates.

Department lawyers were not the only ones who had identified this problem. Judge Williams, an Obama appointee who sits in Miami, had also homed in on it, wondering whether there was actually a conflict to adjudicate, given that Mr. Trump was effectively on both sides of the suit.

The suit contended that the I.R.S. had not done enough to prevent a contractor for the agency, Charles Littlejohn, from leaking to the news media reams of Mr. Trump’s tax information, along with the returns of hundreds of other very wealthy Americans during the president’s first term in office. Even though Mr. Littlejohn was prosecuted by the Biden administration and sentenced to five years in prison, Mr. Trump argued he was owed $10 billion by the I.R.S.

At first, there was a hope inside the Justice Department that lawyers would respond to the suit with a procedural maneuver to side step or delay the case. One option department lawyers quietly discussed was to ask Judge Williams to put the suit on hold until after Mr. Trump left office.

But that never happened. And it left Mr. Blanche and his team in a tight spot: They did not want the Justice Department to go into court and fight the suit, as it normally would, but also did not want to settle it by paying Mr. Trump directly, according to people familiar with their thinking.

Ending the case by funneling taxpayer money straight to the president struck them as politically untenable. Some department officials even worried that doing so could, under a future Democratic administration, expose them to a criminal investigation of conspiracy to defraud the government.

Todd Blanche walking in a blue suit with others down a Capitol Hill hallway.
Mr. Trump’s lawsuit against the I.R.S. forced the Justice Department, led by the acting attorney general Todd Blanche, to wrestle with the legal dilemma of potentially fighting a sitting president who has demanded total loyalty from his subordinates.Kenny Holston/The New York Times

Inside the I.R.S., the suit was treated more or less as business as usual, even though the plaintiff was the president. Lawyers at the agency followed normal procedures for responding to claims and prepared a 25-page memo for the Justice Department, outlining their views of the case.

In the memo, the I.R.S. recommended that the department move to dismiss the suit, pointing to two main problems: It had been filed too late and had wrongly blamed the I.R.S. for the actions of Mr. Littlejohn.

I.R.S. officials sent the memo to colleagues in the Treasury Department but it remains unclear whether those Treasury officials ever passed it on to the Justice Department. In fact, no Trump administration lawyer responded to the president’s suit at all — or even made an appearance on the court docket.

What finally pushed Judge Williams into action was a request on April 17 from one of Mr. Trump’s private lawyers, Alejandro Brito — not from a government lawyer — to delay all proceedings in the case for three months. A week later, the judge effectively ordered the Justice Department to tell her whether it intended to defend the I.R.S., giving the department until May 20 to provide an answer.

The pressure of that deadline set off a scramble, as lawyers on both sides of the suit started looking for a way to resolve the case and avoid further scrutiny from the judge.

Central in the negotiations was Trent McCotter, Mr. Blanche’s senior deputy and a rising star in the department, according to people familiar with the talks. He served as one of the administration’s chief interlocutors with personal lawyers in Mr. Trump’s orbit, including Daniel Epstein, who often works with Mr. Epshteyn and once served as a special assistant to Mr. Trump during his first term in the White House.

Ultimately, the discussions about settling the I.R.S. suit were combined with talks about ending two other unusual claims previously filed by Mr. Epstein, who works for America First Legal, the outside group co-founded in 2021 by Stephen Miller, Mr. Trump’s powerful White House adviser. Those claims demanded that the Justice Department pay the president about $230 million in compensation for the investigation into possible ties between Russia and his 2016 campaign, as well as the well-publicized F.B.I. search of Mr. Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate for classified documents in 2022.

The idea that emerged was a global settlement of all of the claims that would push Mr. Trump away from the politically damaging effort to take money for himself. Instead it would create a fund for his allies and supporters — including the pardoned Jan. 6 rioters — who believed they had been wronged in the courts by previous Democratic administrations.

Mr. McCotter proposed a patriotic marketing gimmick, setting the fund’s amount at the symbolic sum of $1.776 billion, according to people familiar with the idea.

Still, it was not entirely a new idea.

In mid-2025, Ed Martin, a longtime advocate for the Jan. 6 rioters who was leading the Justice Department’s pardon office and a special working group intended to counteract government weaponization, had proposed a plan to address what he believed was mistreatment of Trump supporters by the legal system, according to people familiar with the matter. Mr. Martin envisioned a “truth commission” of sorts that would assess accusations of misconduct by the Justice Department and possibly make payouts to worthy claimants.

He even floated the idea to senior administration officials like Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the health and human services secretary who has long complained that Americans were harmed by the government’s response to Covid-19, according to a person with direct knowledge of the exchange.

Mr. Blanche, who has often clashed with Mr. Martin, rejected the idea, the person said. But with the May 20 deadline quickly approaching, the Justice Department, at Mr. McCotter’s urging, came up with its own plan to redress the supposed past wrongs suffered by the president’s supporters.

The plan was closely based on an Obama-era case called Keepseagle v. Vilsack, a class-action lawsuit that gave hundreds of millions of dollars to Native American farmers to settle accusations of government discrimination. Mr. McCotter took the idea to the Office of Legal Counsel, which offers advice on the law to Justice Department leaders. The office, run by T. Elliot Gaiser, a former clerk for Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr., blessed the proposal, agreeing that Keepseagle could serve as a model.

When the plan was made public, it faced an avalanche of criticism. The Treasury Department’s top lawyer, a Trump appointee, resigned.

Among the loudest critics were former Justice Department lawyers who had worked on the Keepseagle case, who pointed out that the Keepseagle settlement was overseen by a federal judge after years of litigation and analysis of the claims and evidence.

The resolution to Mr. Trump’s suit against the I.R.S., by contrast, was reached in private by lawyers loyal to the president and without any judicial oversight.

Appearing on CNN in recent days, Mr. Blanche was asked directly who came up with the terms of the agreement and said that there had been negotiations between Mr. Trump’s “outside counsel” and the Justice Department.

But he quickly added, “Not me.”

Broad Immunity From Audits

There was more.

Even as the two sides were hashing out the contours of the fund, there were also discussions about a second agreement that would end the lawsuit: a plan to give the Trump family and their businesses broad protection from I.R.S. investigations of tax returns they had already filed.

The tax immunity agreement was more like a rescue operation than a formal legal settlement. It called for the I.R.S. to absolve Mr. Trump and his businesses of all audits they were currently facing — including a yearslong battle with the tax agency that could have cost the president more than $100 million.

That fight stemmed partly from a refund that Mr. Trump had claimed — and collected — starting in about 2010. He justified the refund by declaring huge business losses, including on his tower in Chicago.

Early in Mr. Trump’s first term in the White House, the matter was put on hold, but it came back to life before he left office.

More recently, the company had entered settlement talks with the agency, laying the groundwork for a potential resolution, according to a person with knowledge of the matter.

Now, it seemed, the audit would vanish.

Acting as a cheerleader for the overall plan, including the tax deal, was Mr. Epshteyn, Mr. Trump’s top outside legal adviser who has been close to the president for about a decade, both when he was in and out of office.

Mr. Epshteyn played a significant role in moving the proposals forward, according to multiple people familiar with the matter, discussing the issue with Mr. Trump and circulating drafts of the tax agreement to Trump advisers.

While the origins of the tax maneuver remain somewhat obscure, the Justice Department began to assess the proposal about a week before Judge William’s May 20 deadline, according to people familiar with the matter. One of the questions raised was whether giving the Trumps protection against I.R.S. scrutiny would run afoul of a law barring the tax agency from dropping audits at the direction of the president or his aides.

The tax proposal did not end up appearing in the initial document that declared the lawsuit resolved and described the details of the compensation fund. That document was signed by the Justice Department’s No. 3 official, Stanley Woodward Jr., who had worked with Mr. Blanche on Mr. Trump’s defense team and represented several of the president’s close aides in various investigations.

In a curious twist, the tax addendum was posted, without fanfare, on the Justice Department’s website one day after the terms of the main agreement were released. It was a murky piece of writing, full of long sentences stuffed with subordinate clauses and the Trumpian use of words in capital letters. Only Mr. Blanche, and no one from the I.R.S., signed it.

The details of the fund were also somewhat inscrutable. Although the Justice Department had explicitly stated that the Trump Organization and the Trump family were ineligible for the fund, one confusing clause appeared to open the door for them to file claims.

Indeed, officials at the Trump Organization briefly discussed whether to do so, according to people with knowledge of the matter. No decision was made. On Friday, a federal judge in Virginia temporarily froze the fund.

Devlin Barrett and Russ Buettner contributed reporting.

Alan Feuer covers extremism and political violence for The Times, focusing on the criminal cases involving the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol and against former President Donald J. Trump. 

Glenn Thrush covers the Department of Justice for The Times and has also written about gun violence, civil rights and conditions in the country’s jails and prisons.

Ben Protess is an investigative reporter at The Times, covering President Trump.

Maggie Haberman is a White House correspondent for The Times, reporting on President Trump."

Saturday, May 30, 2026

CBS News Names Outsider to Lead ‘60 Minutes’ as Part of Major Shake-Up

 

CBS News Names Outsider to Lead ‘60 Minutes’ as Part of Major Shake-Up

“CBS News announced a major overhaul of “60 Minutes,” appointing Nick Bilton, a tech journalist and filmmaker, as the new executive producer. This marks a significant shift as Bilton, who has no traditional broadcast news experience, replaces Tanya Simon, who led the show for over three decades. The shake-up also includes the firing of two on-air correspondents, Cecilia Vega and Sharyn Alfonsi, and two producers, Draggan Mihailovich and Matthew Polevoy.

Bari Weiss, CBS’s editor in chief, named Nick Bilton, a tech journalist and filmmaker, as the show’s executive producer. The network also fired two on-air correspondents.

Nick Bilton is a filmmaker and former New York Times columnist.Matt Winkelmeyer/Getty Images

In a bid to remake the country’s top-rated news program, Bari Weiss, the editor in chief of CBS News, on Thursday unveiled an overhaul of “60 Minutes,” replacing the show’s executive producer with a tech journalist and firing two of its on-air correspondents.

Ms. Weiss named Nick Bilton, a former New York Times technology columnist and a filmmaker who has directed and produced documentaries for HBO and Netflix, as her pick to lead the 58-year-old Sunday show. Mr. Bilton, who has never worked in traditional broadcast news, will replace Tanya Simon, who had been at the show for more than three decades.

CBS News also fired Cecilia Vega, the program’s first Latina correspondent, and Sharyn Alfonsi, whose segment on torture in Salvadoran prisons was pulled off the air abruptly last year by Ms. Weiss, who requested more reporting. It aired in full at a later date. Draggan Mihailovich, the executive editor of “60 Minutes,” was also fired, as was Matthew Polevoy, a senior producer.

Ms. Weiss, an opinion journalist with no prior experience in television, has made major changes at CBS since being appointed last year by the tech scion David Ellison. She has named Tony Dokoupil to helm “CBS Evening News,” hired new on-air contributors and personally booked some guests for interviews, a departure from the industry norm.

But the overhaul at “60 Minutes” is by far the largest gamble of Ms. Weiss’s tenure. The program remains appointment viewing for millions every Sunday night, and its viewership this season rose 9 percent from the year prior, according to Nielsen.

Ms. Weiss’s handling of “60 Minutes” has led to internal turmoil. Her decision to hold Ms. Alfonsi’s segment set off a firestorm, though it eventually ran with additional comments from the Trump administration. This week, Ms. Alfonsi told The Times that CBS was no longer separating editorial independence from corporate interests.

Mr. Bilton, 49, will start his position with a staff already anxious about how the long-held traditions of “60 Minutes” might change. In a joint interview with Ms. Weiss on Thursday, he said that his experience in documentary film and TV was in keeping with the founding ethos of the program, which he called “the most important news brand in American life.”

“Look at Don Hewitt and how he came up with the idea for this,” Mr. Bilton said, referring to the program’s creator. “He loved documentaries, but he did not have the patience to watch two-hour-long versions of them. So he came up with ‘60 Minutes,’ which was a series of short documentaries.”

Mr. Bilton said that the recent furor around “60 Minutes” was “just noise,” chalking it up to routine fallout spurred by disruption at a legacy business. He added that the “end result” of the change would be “quite frankly phenomenal.”

Ms. Weiss said that she was drawn to Mr. Bilton because of his career telling stories on multiple platforms, including in print, behind the camera and in nonfiction books. She said that his coverage of technology had given him experience on how to navigate industries like broadcast news that are undergoing profound disruption.

“He has been consistently prescient about the ways that the technological revolution that we’re living through is upending the way that we consume storytelling and information,” Ms. Weiss said. “He has been the one to see the tsunami before the wave hits the rest of us.”

Mr. Bilton, who will relocate to New York from Los Angeles, is an unconventional choice for the “60 Minutes” job: All his predecessors have come from traditional broadcast news.

“When you take an insider and you put them inside a company, nothing changes,” Mr. Bilton said. “I’m not saying that we’re going to change the show completely and drastically. I’m saying that there are all these approaches and ideas that we can do that I couldn’t be more excited to jump into. And I think you need that outside vision to be able to do that.”

He said it was too early to describe his plans for “60 Minutes” in detail, but added that he would place an emphasis on telling stories beyond the weekly show and experimenting with new voices from outside traditional broadcast news.

Mr. Bilton has had a varied career. After working as a designer at The Times, Mr. Bilton became a technology columnist for the newspaper in 2009, and left in 2016 to join Vanity Fair as a correspondent. Since then, he has worked in documentaries, writing and directing “Fake Famous,” an HBO film about aspiring social media influencers, and serving as a producer on “The Inventor: Out for Blood in Silicon Valley,” a film directed by Alex Gibney about the disgraced Theranos founder Elizabeth Holmes.

Mr. Bilton is also set to publish a true-crime book about a Hawaiian crime syndicate with Dwayne (The Rock) Johnson. (He also wrote the screenplay for its film adaptation, to be directed by Martin Scorsese.)

“60 Minutes” has been at the center of an ongoing drama about the future of CBS News.

President Trump sued CBS before the election in 2024 over an interview that the program conducted with Kamala Harris, who was running against him. The network’s owner, Paramount, eventually paid $16 million to settle the case, which many lawyers had deemed frivolous. Tensions within the network over how to respond to Mr. Trump also contributed to the resignation of a “60 Minutes” executive producer, Bill Owens, before Ms. Weiss joined.

For decades, “60 Minutes” has been something of an imperial institution within CBS News. Some of the show’s executive producers have had a direct line to the company’s chief executive, and its correspondents — who identify themselves by name at the top of the broadcast — operated out of offices separate from the rest of the network.

Ms. Vega, who joined the show in 2023, said in a statement on Thursday, “I very much fear what comes next for, and the future of, the legendary broadcast.” She said that in recent months, “reporting teams have held back on submitting story pitches about important news topics out of fear of the internal repercussions.”

Ms. Simon, who had a year remaining on her contract at CBS, wrote in a farewell memo on Thursday that “60 Minutes” was “an institution built on independence, grit and rigorous search for the truth.”

Mr. Bilton, in the interview, said that he wanted “60 Minutes” to maintain its reputation for independence, while also collaborating with the rest of the news division.

“There’s incredible people at CBS News, and I think that it’s important for me to be able to tap into some of them at certain times, and vice versa,” Mr. Bilton said. “That doesn’t mean that it’s going to become one big organization. ‘60’ will still have its independence.”

Michael M. Grynbaum writes about the intersection of media, politics and culture. He has been a media correspondent at The Times since 2016.“