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Thursday, September 24, 2026

Amid soaring living costs, America’s biggest convenience-store chains quietly overcharge consumers

 

Amid soaring living costs, America’s biggest convenience-store chains quietly overcharge consumers

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 Summary

“Circle K and 7-Eleven routinely overcharge customers, failing up to 82% of price inspections in some areas. Complaints cite shelf-to-register discrepancies and fuel price mismatches; regulators often lack resources to inspect.

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Collage of 7-Eleven and Circle K signs, products and receipts, with price discrepancies circled in red
Illustration: Guardian Design / Getty Images

Marco Cruz pulled off a four-lane road into the parking lot of a Circle K convenience store in McAllen, Texas, 12 miles north of the US-Mexico border. It was 1.20am on a mild November night in 2025, and Cruz was looking for a bedtime snack after a day of visiting family and friends. He grabbed a pack of beef and jalapeƱo cheese sticks from the shelf, where they were priced at $3.99. At the counter, though, they rang up at $4.19.

Cruz asked the cashier to charge him the lower shelf price. The employee refused, he said, and threatened to call the police when Cruz grew more insistent. “All I’m asking you is honor the price,” Cruz told the attendant before leaving the store and, later, filing a complaint with the Texas attorney general.

Problems like these – register prices that exceed shelf prices, or advertised sales that don’t materialize – were becoming a regular annoyance for the 29-year-old. In just six months, Cruz said, he had run into similar issues at convenience stores at least five times. Earlier that day, he tried to buy two bottles of water at the same Circle K after seeing an in-store promotion offering a free energy drink with any such purchase. At the register, he said, the manager told him the offer was no longer valid.

Cruz is not alone, a Guardian investigation has found.

The country’s two biggest convenience-store chains – 7-Eleven and Circle K – routinely charge customers more than the shelf prices for snacks, beverages, toiletries, tobacco and medications. Between 2023 and 2025, Circle K locations failed 35% of their government price-accuracy inspections in Florida, 62% in North Carolina and 82% in Columbus, Ohio. Over the same period, its larger rival, 7-Eleven, flunked 47% of inspections in both Colorado and Utah and 79% in Ontario county in upstate New York.

In some cases, inspections turn up multiple overcharges in a single sample. This February at a 7-Eleven in Cruz’s home town, Casa Grande, Arizona, a state inspection found that 12 out of the 25 items rang up higher at checkout than what was listed on the shelf – a 48% error rate.

These included a 10-cent bump on dill-flavored Pickle Bites and a 40-cent bump on a KitKat bar. A “mega pack” of Wrigley’s watermelon gum, priced at $3.99 on the shelf, came up as $4.99 at the cash register.

These kinds of overcharges – inside convenience stores and outside at their fuel pumps – put added stress on family budgets already burdened by years of high inflation. As tariffs, war in the Middle East and other economic turmoil have helped drive up prices for groceries, fuel and other products, consumers are not inclined to overlook even the smallest overcharge.

“We expect to pay what we see on the shelf,” Cruz said, “even if that already doesn’t seem like a good deal.”

Circle K and 7-Eleven declined interview requests and did not answer detailed lists of questions from the Guardian. Instead, both provided brief statements.

“Delivering value and maintaining trust amongst our customers is a top priority and we take pricing accuracy very seriously,” a spokesperson for 7-Eleven said.

A spokesperson for Circle K said that the company is “committed to complying with all applicable laws and regulations”. The spokesperson said the chain’s mission “is to make our customers’ lives a little easier every day, so their satisfaction is a top priority. We take customer concerns seriously and are always working to improve their experience in our stores.”

An exterior of a 7-Eleven convenience store.
Rachel Hays, a veterinarian and mom, complained she was overcharged for gas at this 7-Eleven in Austin, Texas, in March of this year. Photograph: Liz Moskowitz/The Guardian

David Friedman, a legal scholar at Oregon’s Willamette University who has written extensively about deceptive pricing in the American marketplace, says major merchants have no excuse for charging customers more than the prices they promise on shelves and gasoline signs, especially given how advanced their inventory management tools have become.

“It strains credibility for them to say, ‘Well, we’ve invested in all these sophisticated systems,’” but they’re “not really capable” of ensuring that all prices are correct, he said.

Complaints by Cruz and other convenience-store shoppers about overcharges come at a time of consumer anger about how big companies treat their customers. In a 2024 poll by Navigator Research, 72% of respondents agreed that big corporations are pocketing large sums by “overcharging American consumers”.

According to court claims, government reports and interviews with consumers, Americans get soaked by add-on costs built into a wide range of transactions, such as “junk fees” tacked on to apartment rents and big-league baseball tickets, and hidden charges on auto sales and home loans – as well as overcharges at brand-name chains across the bricks-and-mortar retail sector.

Customers frequently pay more at checkout than what shelf tags promise not only at convenience stores but also at chain supermarkets, big-box stores, drug stores and hardware stores. In December, the Guardian revealed that Dollar General, the nation’s largest dollar-store chain, continued to overcharge customers after paying millions of dollars in penalties to officials in multiple states. In Wisconsin, for example, the chain failed 31% of its price inspections in the 23 months after its $850,000 settlement with the state.

Convenience stores are the worst offenders among all retailers in the US, according to a little-noticed 2024 report by the National Council on Weights and Measures. They failed 34% of price-accuracy inspections by regulators in 26 states, followed by dollar stores (29%) and auto parts stores (27%), the report found.

Despite evidence of overcharging at convenience stores, most government authorities are not paying attention.

Many states give low priority to inspecting convenience stores – responding only to consumer complaints in some cases – and instead focus their inspections on grocery and big-box stores. Others, including Illinois, South Carolina and Wyoming, perform no retail price-accuracy inspections at all.

Texas is home to 16,500 convenience stores – more than any other state – but Lone Star state officials rarely inspect them. Though the Guardian accessed 51 price-disparity complaints against 7-Eleven and Circle K stores that consumers filed with Texas authorities between 2023 and 2025, the state’s agriculture department conducted just 32 inspections at the two chains during that period.

Texas officials did not respond to the Guardian’s requests for comment. But even regulators in states that do inspect convenience stores say their resources are limited.

“We have very few bodies to check a whole lot of stuff,” said Mike Brooks, program administrator for Arizona’s office of weights and measures. “So we do the best we can.”

Brooks oversees 14 inspectors who are responsible for monitoring every retail outlet across the state’s 114,000 sq miles. Between 2023 and 2025, Circle K failed 39% of its 739 Arizona inspections and 7-Eleven failed 41% of its 151 inspections there.

Miland Kofford, the weights and measures project manager for Utah’s department of agriculture and food, said that in many cases overcharges are caused by suppliers, rather than in-store employees – a harried vendor for, say, Coca-Cola or Frito-Lay might stock the products on shelves and affix them with vendor-generated sale tags but then fail to update them on later visits. Stores are sometimes too understaffed to catch these vendor errors.

In the end, Kofford said, “the store is still responsible, regardless of who put the price up”.

In its statement, 7-Eleven said: “There are on average more than 3,000 products per store, and prices are adjusted as needed based on a number of external factors including manufacturer and distributor cost changes. When a discrepancy is identified, we have processes in place to correct it promptly, and we continue to invest in technology and operational improvements to help ensure accurate pricing in stores.”

‘Distracted, hurried, desperate customers’

Convenience stores and their signature products – including 7-Eleven’s Slurpees and Circle K’s Polar Pops – are inescapable fixtures of the American landscape. As much as 57% of the population shops at these quick-in, quick-out retailers at least once a week, according to a 2025 study by the National Association of Convenience Stores.

7-Eleven, based in Irving, Texas, operates more than 12,000 stores across the country. With origins dating to 1927, when a group of Dallas icehouse companies merged and began selling food and beverages, the company changed its name in 1946 to reflect its extended hours – from 7am to 11pm, seven days a week. Now owned by Tokyo-based Seven & i Holdings Co, Ltd, 7-Eleven was the first convenience-store chain to sell gas and to offer coffee in to-go cups.

Circle K, the nation’s second-largest convenience-store chain, with roughly 7,300 outlets in 48 states, also has roots in Texas. In 1951, an El Paso-based entrepreneur named Fred Hervey bought three Kay’s Food Stores in that city and rechristened them “Circle K” stores before rolling them out across the south-west. Circle K is now owned by Quebec-based Alimentation Couche-Tard. Like 7-Eleven, it oversees a mix of company-operated locations and franchises.

The Guardian examined 153 consumer complaints alleging overcharges at Circle Ks and 7-Elevens across 17 states. Nearly half focused on overcharges on purchases of candy, food, drinks and other items within the stores. The rest cited overcharges on gasoline – reporting that stores displayed lower prices on their big outdoor signs than what was being charged at the pumps.

Many shoppers’ complaints accuse the two chains of deceptive business practices and “bait-and-switch” pricing tactics. They described in-store promotions for nonexistent sales and employees who shrugged off overcharges.

“These places count on distracted, hurried, desperate customers who are already in line to pay whatever prices are presented at the register,” wrote Joe Lunsford, a 7-Eleven shopper in Virginia, in a complaint to his state’s attorney general. “The operators and clerks make it seem like you are out of place to challenge a price off by pennies, and I agree I felt a little ridiculous, but these small ‘pricing errors’ add up in their favor at the end of the day and harm consumers.”

‘Paying the price’

Often, the two retailers’ customers are families and individuals struggling with their day-to-day finances. Though different chains appeal to different demographics, 7-Eleven and Circle K compete in the “low-income tier”, according to a 2026 report by the market research company Morning Consult. The Circle K brand, in particular, comes to mind quickly for shoppers earning less than $50,000 a year, but not for consumers earning $100,000 or more.

“Convenience stores are often used by a lot of shift workers, blue-collar workers, seniors and people that have limited transportation options,” a finance staffer for a Circle K vendor in Ohio told the Guardian, speaking on the condition that her name not be used. “The people who can least afford being overcharged are the ones paying the price.”

In California, home to an estimated 15% of all US 7-Eleven stores, regulators have found that price can be steep. Between 2023 and 2025, 7-Eleven stores in Los Angeles county flunked 335 out of 909 price-accuracy inspections – a failure rate of 37%.

One inspector there noted a 67% overcharge rate at a 7-Eleven in Huntington Park on a Wednesday in 2024, and the next day recorded a 50% overcharge rate at a location in North Hollywood, 19 miles away.

A Pomona store failed four times, including during a 2025 inspection in which five out of 13 items rang up higher than their shelf prices. An energy drink supposed to cost $1 with a rewards card came up as $3.49 at the register. A tropical fruit-flavored snack priced at $1 rang up at $2.89, and a $2.29 Hershey’s Mr Goodbar at $3.49.

In July, a Guardian reporter visited 10 7-Eleven stores in Los Angeles county that had previously failed price-accuracy inspections, including the North Hollywood and Pomona locations.

The reporter bought batches of 10 items at each of the 10 locations. Half of these shopping tests resulted in overcharges.

The Pomona store, for example, failed to honor a two-for-$5 discount on Quest protein chips. The North Hollywood location rang up overcharges on five items.

At the Pomona 7-Eleven, an employee said a phone number was needed, even though that was not specified anywhere on the sticker price. At a 7-Eleven in Highland Park, a manager blamed a night shift worker for not updating shelf prices.

Workers at all five stores that overcharged the reporter acknowledged that the sticker prices were out of date, and that employees could not always keep up with updating thousands of individual items’ prices.

“It’s not about overcharging or something like that,” an employee at the North Hollywood 7-Eleven said, asking that he not be named out of fear of getting in trouble with management. He said that workers are already expected to run registers, clean stores, manage deliveries and stock shelves, and that it sometimes takes the store two weeks to update stickers after the company issues new prices.

‘Everything was just consistently mislabeled’

Convenience stores sell roughly 80% of the gasoline purchased in the US, according to industry data. But government price-accuracy inspections of retail stores typically cover in-store items, not gasoline.

As fuel prices have surged – hitting an all-time Labor Day record of $4.15 a gallon this month for regular gas – car and truck owners don’t take inaccurate price listings lightly.

A woman stands near the exterior of a building.
Rachel Hays, pictured on her ranch in Lexington, Texas, complained that a 7-Eleven in nearby Austin charged her more at the pump than the price advertised on its street-facing sign.Photograph: Liz Moskowitz/The Guardian

One evening in March, Rachel Hays stopped at a 7-Eleven near her Austin, Texas, home after noticing its large sign advertising diesel at $4.199 a gallon. “I was so happy because I was like, ‘$4.19, that’s a great price,’” said Hays, a 50-year-old veterinarian and single mom who hunts deer and wild boar on a ranch east of the city. She planned to fill her Ford truck’s 34-gallon tank but noticed the price on the pump read $4.499.

“The lone employee in the store made no attempt to change the price on the sign,” Hays wrote in a complaint to state authorities. “This has happened multiple times at this particular gas station.” Driving by the following day, Hays saw that the prices still had not been aligned. “I pay a lot of attention,” she said in a June interview. “I mean, it costs me 150 bucks to fill up my truck.”

In several complaints, consumers accused the stores of using false gas prices as a way to lure shoppers inside. Indeed, more than half of customers who stop for gas go inside to make purchases, according to the industry’s trade association.

The Circle K vendor in Ohio said that when she stops for gas at her local Circle K, she often lets her seven-year-old go inside to pick out a treat. But pricing disparities have become the norm. “They would have old sale tickets up that said two for $5 and then the promotion had ended,” she said. “I saw it on the candy. I saw it on energy drinks. Everything was just consistently mislabeled.”

In its statement, Circle K said “pricing discrepancies can sometimes occur between shelf labels and point-of-sale systems, resulting in either an undercharge or overcharge at the register”. When this occurs, the company said, it works “quickly to support our store teams to correct any unintentional pricing errors and ensure prices are accurately reflected across our products and offers”.

Repeat violations

Last year, a state inspector in North Carolina named Tripp Foltz responded to a complaint that the pump price at a Circle K in Hillsborough was significantly higher than the road-facing sign. The sign said $3.459 for cash or credit. The pump said $3.799.

After Foltz explained the situation to the manager, she fixed the problem. But when he returned twice more over the next couple of weeks, he noted two more overcharges – 14 cents and then 24 cents a gallon. His agency imposed a $500 penalty. Weeks later, another consumer complaint prompted a return visit.

Foltz recorded another 14-cent overcharge.

Because of limited staffing, North Carolina only inspects in-store pricing at convenience stores when it receives complaints. Of the 28 failed Circle K inspections between 2023 and 2025, 16 were follow-ups from previous failures. One store in Kernersville failed five times in a row.

Repeat pricing violations are also common at other types of retail stores, the Guardian’s reporting has shown. Even wide-ranging investigations and millions of dollars in fines often do not stop big companies from charging customers more than their posted prices.

In 2021, state and local prosecutors in California informed Carquest Auto Parts that their investigation had found that the chain’s stores across the state were routinely overcharging customers. Despite the warning, the problem got worse, authorities claimed in a lawsuit. At one point, the suit said, Carquest stores flunked 39 of 43 price inspections across 20 counties, overcharging on 23% of the items pulled by inspectors.

The chain paid $750,000 in 2024 to settle the case.

In another example, Walmart agreed to stop overcharging customers in a 2008 settlement with California officials, then paid $2.1m in 2012 to settle claims that it had violated that deal by continuing to ring up higher-than-posted prices at checkout. In August 2025, it agreed to pay state authorities another $5.6m to address claims it had once again overcharged customers at checkout as well as selling produce and other groceries with less weight than promised on the label.

Carquest and Walmart did not reply to questions from the Guardian about these settlements.

A 7-Eleven convenience store and gas station surrounded by vegetation.
Alexander Stout, a retired military reservist, complained to state officials about a gas-price discrepancy at this 7-Eleven in Somerset, Texas. Photograph: Christopher Lee/The Guardian

Friedman, the law professor, said that making real progress against rip-offs at checkout counters will require a national commitment.

“There are a lot of people who get speeding tickets and the next day they’re speeding again,” he said. “Unless you have the Federal Trade Commission or state attorneys general stepping in aggressively and repeatedly as a strategy and saying, ‘We are going to litigate against all of the retailers that do this, and we’re going to do it on a broad scale,’ the practices are going to continue.”

‘Screwing people over’

On a Monday evening in August 2024, Alexander Stout, a 43-year-old retired military reservist who lives with five dogs on a six-acre ranch in Somerset, Texas, pulled his Dodge truck into his local 7-Eleven. He had spotted a roadside sign touting regular fuel at $2.859 a gallon.

In an email to his state’s department of licensing and regulation, Stout explained that he discovered the price on the pump read $2.999. He offered to share a video of the 14-cent disparity with the agency. “This gas station has done this before,” Stout wrote.

Three months later, he got an email informing him the case had been closed for “insufficient evidence”. An agency attorney said he had tried to contact Stout and indicated that, having performed an on-site inspection and determined the marquee had not been “operational”, he “did not feel it was warranted to move forward to a penalty”.

A man sits on the tailgate of his pickup truck.
Alexander Stout filed a complaint about inaccurate gas prices at a 7-Eleven in Texas. Photograph: Christopher Lee/The Guardian

“This closing letter is a joke,” wrote Stout, who says his phone did not register any calls, texts or emails from the state at the time. “Imagine my frustration to do something right and this is how investigations are handled.

“I’m pissed about this because you keep screwing people over. Fourteen cents doesn’t seem like a lot,” he added, but “for somebody who’s already hurting” that 14 cents could add up to “a meal their kids miss”.

During a June visit to the Somerset 7-Eleven where Stout spotted the overcharge, a Guardian reporter brought two 14-ounce bottles of 7-Select cold-pressed juice advertised on the shelf at “2 for $6” to the counter only to have them ring up at $7.78. Presented with the discrepancy, the cashier counted out a $1.78 refund, suggesting that the sale had probably ended but “we just haven’t removed the sign yet”.

In fact, the fine print on the sign indicated that the offer was valid for another three weeks.“

What Pete Hegseth Is Hiding

 

What Pete Hegseth Is Hiding

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 Summary

“CBS News published leaked images showing Iranian damage to American bases and aircraft, revealing military vulnerability. Pete Hegseth’s media restrictions and secrecy hinder transparency, suppress service members’ stories, and erode public understanding of the war.

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An illustration of a military facility obscured by a red curtain; smoke is billowing from inside.
George Douglas

You’re reading the David French newsletter.  Reflections on law and culture, war and peace, and the deeper trends that define and divide America.

On Sept. 15, CBS News published a truly meaningful scoop. It obtained pictures of the extraordinary damage done to American aircraft and American bases by Iranian drones and missiles.

The photographs were astonishing. During my own deployment, I spent many days at Camp Buehring in Kuwait, and now parts of that sprawling base are in ruins. Places I recognized have been blown to pieces. And it’s particularly jolting to see the destroyed remains of American aircraft at Prince Sultan Air Base in Saudi Arabia.

It’s an image that would have been unthinkable during the previous phases of our long war on terror.

While we’ve undoubtedly inflicted tremendous damage on Iran’s conventional military (its air force and navy barely exist, for example), the war has not been as one-sided as the administration has claimed. This was not supposed to happen because we are not supposed to be that vulnerable. I strongly recommend reading my colleague W.J. Hennigan’s piece on the military impact of Iran’s attacks to better understand how much Iran has exposed American military weakness — a weakness that’s based on perhaps an outdated understanding of the nature of modern war.

I’m wanting, however, to talk about something else — something revealed in the second paragraph of the CBS story: “The images were sent to CBS News by active service members on condition of anonymity because of rigid media restrictions within the military.”

As one deployed service member told CBS News: “This is major damage to our bases that hasn’t been communicated to the American public. We’re standing there with our eyes closed getting punched in the face.”

The fact that these pictures were leaked by active service members is significant — more significant than many readers might realize.

First, it’s important to note a few things. The Trump administration has waged this war differently from the patterns established by previous presidents. Not only did it attack Iran without any real public debate, without congressional authorization and without a U.N. Security Council resolution, it went to war in the midst of a campaign against the media unlike anything we’ve seen in recent American history.

As The Columbia Journalism Review reported this past summer, “Press conferences are rare. Pete Hegseth, the so-called secretary of war, takes questions only from friendly outlets. No mainstream news organizations have reporters embedded with U.S. military units in the Middle East. Pentagon sources are increasingly reluctant to talk to journalists for fear of retaliation from the administration.”

As a result, during the opening weeks of the war, Americans were robbed of any way of assessing its progress apart from the dueling news releases and statements from the two combatants. And given the administration’s propensity to lie, we had no way of discerning the course of combat.

The fog of war is always thick, and it’s made thicker by the need for secrecy to disguise combat operations. In this conflict, however, we’ve seen a level of secrecy, deception and outright propaganda that has made knowing the truth virtually impossible — until, at long last, the combination of leaks and commercial satellite photos made it impossible for the administration to maintain its spin.

At times it felt like both sides were employing “Baghdad Bob,” the infamous spokesman for Saddam Hussein’s dying regime who would brag about fictional military victories even as the American military was racing through Iraq.

Americans who were dissatisfied with government news releases and Hegseth’s boasts were reduced to chasing rumors and watching snippets of video on social media. You’d see clips and wonder: Is our naval base in Bahrain on fire? Did Iran destroy a number of American planes on the ground? Are its missiles and drones really getting through? And why is it continuing to fire so many missiles and launch so many drones if our military efforts have been so successful?

An administration that violated the Constitution and evaded democratic accountability in launching the war was now evading democratic accountability for its conduct of the war. Even if you support military action against Iran, it’s hard to argue that either its decision to start the war without Congress or its extreme deception and secrecy has benefited the war effort.

It’s a simple matter of common sense — and something that President Trump may soon learn this November — that beginning a war without public support (much less conducting it behind a veil of secrecy and lies) makes it much less likely that the nation will possess the will to prevail.

Winning wars requires sacrifice, and when you don’t prepare the people to make sacrifices (much less win them over to the idea that the sacrifices are necessary), then you can make the war impossible to win.

But Hegseth’s secrecy betrays a bigger problem — he’s breaking faith with the men and women who’ve volunteered to serve. By robbing them of the ability to tell their stories to the nation and the world, he’s not just silencing them, he’s further separating the military from the civilian population it serves.

I have direct experience with media coverage of the military. I’ve been in war, and I’ve covered war, and I know the relationship between good journalists and soldiers is far more symbiotic than it is adversarial. The good reporters want to report the truth, and — crucially — good soldiers want the public to know the truth. In fact, it matters a great deal to them that other people know the truth and know their stories.

Transparency has to occur within boundaries, of course. In 2003, Geraldo Rivera came under much-justified criticism when he discussed a coming attack in Iraq on live television, disclosing details that could have put American lives at risk.

During my own deployment, we didn’t allow soldiers to publish photos of their bomb-damaged Humvees on social media (even though they very much wanted to) because the precise details of the damage would help Al Qaeda better calibrate the placement and strength of its roadside bombs. We certainly didn’t hide the fact that vehicles were destroyed or that service members were injured.

But reporters were embedded with us during many major operations, and we could tell our stories. In fact, one of my jobs was shepherding members of the media across the battlefield. I was the only officer who had any experience with the press, so I got the job. That meant spending hour after hour watching young soldiers interact with reporters from news outlets from across the world. Our small bases hosted reporters from The Los Angeles Times, Reuters, Agence France-Presse, The Times of London and Stars and Stripes.

Let me pause for a moment and talk a bit more about American soldiers. To hear Pete Hegseth describe the ideal soldier, you’d think of a special forces operator (think of a SEAL or member of Delta Force) in a MAGA hat. He’s a “high-T” bearded man who’s wearing cargo pants and a T-shirt that’s a size too small, all the better to show off his ink and his biceps. And this guy absolutely hates the media. To him, it’s weak and woke.

There are certainly people like that in the military, but in my experience they’re a minority even in the special forces community. When you meet regular soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines, you’re mostly surprised by how entirely normal everyone is. We come in every ethnicity, many shapes and sizes, and with countless different personality types.

The best way to think of American service members is to think of ordinary people who are asked to do extraordinary things. Even if they often don’t want to brag about their own personal accomplishments, they do want America to know what they’re doing. They want their fellow citizens to know what it’s like to serve.

This meant that the soldiers I served with loved to share their stories. Our principal problem wasn’t suspicion but rather oversharing (including of rather, umm, colorful details about their personal lives).

And as citizens we need to hear soldiers’ stories. We need to know, as much as possible, what it is like to be on a patrol, wondering if and when the next blast is going to come. Or what it’s like to be under missile fire, hoping and praying that the interceptors can hit their marks or that the bunkers are strong enough to withstand a direct hit.

I am concerned that one side effect of the 25-year war on terror is the further creation of a warrior class of Americans, people who live largely separate from the rest of us, increasingly as disconnected from civilian life as civilians are from the military experience. Fewer than 1 percent of Americans have deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, and many of those people were so consumed by the conflict that they spent years and years “downrange,” as soldiers say, almost completely cut off from American life.

The side effect of this separation is that — for all the respect and honor we give them — we’re not cognizant of their sacrifices because we simply can’t grasp their experience.

That’s why good reporters matter, not simply because they can tell us the truth about military campaigns free from government propaganda but also because they connect soldiers and civilians. They allow us to understand one another. And when Hegseth cuts off soldiers from reporters, he isn’t just silencing reporters, he’s silencing soldiers. He’s suppressing the stories of the most meaningful and dangerous and traumatic moments of their lives.

In the Army, there’s a saying: “Amateurs talk about tactics. Professionals study logistics.” In other words, while tactics — the deployment of forces in a fight — might get the most attention, wars are often won by the much less glamorous process of getting the most men and the most equipment onto the battlefield, or “getting their firstest with the mostest,” as another saying goes.

In politics, there should be a similar saying: “Amateurs talk about outcomes. Professionals study processes.” In that formulation, how we do something can be more important than what we hope to accomplish, and the how can determine the success of the what.

This lesson is lost on Trump, a man who does his dead-level best to end-run process and attempt to simply decree the result. In his mind, process is woke. Why compromise with Congress when you can simply write an executive order? Why go to Congress (much less NATO or the U.N.) when you can just order troops to war? To use the language of the new right, why not just “do things”?

But as we watch Trump flounder and fail, the flaws of rule by decree are obvious. He has no lasting legislative legacy. Many of his most important policy priorities are the legal equivalent of vaporware — they’ll be repealed the instant a new president is in office.

His war is floundering and failing as well, at least in part precisely because he skipped the constitutional process (the war would be difficult under any circumstances; Trump made it more difficult). A disgruntled nation (and disgruntled allies) are unwilling to bear the burden of a fight they didn’t ask for and that was imposed on them without their consent.

Transparency is part of the process of democratic governance. It’s irritating for leaders, but indispensable for democracies, and it’s indispensable for citizen armies. It’s what permits the electorate — our nation’s actual rulers — to understand the truth about the wars they’re asked to support and to fight.

And it’s what binds the people to the armies that serve them.

I’m reminded of the final song of the Broadway musical “Hamilton,” which asks, “Who tells your story?” When I saw that CBS report, I heard the voices of men and women in uniform who wanted their stories known. They wanted us to see and know what they’ve endured, even if it doesn’t reflect well on the administration that sent them to war, or even on themselves.

We’ve seen some good stories. Last week, “60 Minutes” broadcast the storyof the downed American airmen who were rescued from the heart of Iran. It’s an extraordinary tale of courage and professional excellence.

But that’s far from the only story of the Iran war, and when I see pictures of ruined bases and destroyed aircraft, I know that other Americans had far different experiences, and we need to hear those as well. It should matter deeply to us, and it matters to those who serve more than we can know.


Some other things I did

My Sunday column was about a trend on the MAGA right to measure American citizens by their lineage. According to this line of thinking — which JD Vance has amplified — the longer a person’s family has lived here, the more his or her voice should be heard. My family has a long history in this country, but that shouldn’t give me a sense of entitlement, but rather a sense of duty and gratitude:

But with great blessings come great responsibilities. At their best, my ancestors gave me an example to aspire to. I can learn from their mistakes and failures as well. Learning about my Confederate ancestors was important to my own moral development. That uncomfortable history has led me to remind myself that my community is not always right and that sometimes it is necessary to disagree with and potentially defy the culture and even the church from which you came.

If I have enjoyed the fruits of sacrifices I did not make, don’t I have my own obligation to — forgive the clichĆ© — pay it forward myself? I often think about the powerful conclusion to the movie “Saving Private Ryan,” when a dying Capt. John Miller tells Ryan to “earn this” — earn the sacrifice made on his behalf. We aren’t called simply to enjoy the bounties of this country, but to continue the struggle to uphold its ideals.

On Saturday we published my latest round table with my colleagues Michelle Cottle and Michelle Goldberg. We talked about Trump’s grasp on reality and the, well, strangeness of some of our nation’s tech overlords:

French: You listen to Peter Thiel talk about the Antichrist, and as a Christian who’s, I’ll confess, I’ve read more than one book about the ——

Cottle: As have I, seen so many movies.

French: Interpretations of the Antichrist. You’re just like, “What are you talking about? What is this?” And you really realize that it is something that is very deeply embedded in human nature. It is when people achieve enormous amounts of power, it is never enough. They want to create something that makes them echo throughout history. It’s like Maximus, in the opening of “Gladiator”: “What we do in life echoes in eternity.”

And that takes low forms and tawdry forms — like Trump’s obsession with the ballroom and his arch, and the Kennedy Center is going to go to the ground unless he can have his name on it — turns into other areas where you see people actually trying to imagine a way to extend life into the indefinite future.

And so, you just have these visions of grandeur, combined with this very weird and eccentric worldview that’s often one dash of something Christianity-adjacent — another sprinkling of weird interpretations of “The Lord of the Rings,” a few sci-fi books that they’ve read and some philosophy they picked up on the way, and more than a little bit of reading of Curtis Yarvin tweets. And next thing you know, you have some sort of bold, provocative, new worldview out there, and it’s just so weird. Can we just say it’s so weird?“