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Thursday, May 21, 2026

End of a Colbert-a

 

End of a Colbert-a

“Stephen Colbert’s “The Late Show” will end on May 21, 2026, marking the end of an era. Colbert’s tenure as host coincided with two distinct periods in political comedy: the satirical “Colbert Report” era, which critiqued the political-media industry, and the “Late Show” era, where Colbert’s comedic persona became a vehicle for political satire against the backdrop of Donald Trump’s presidency. While the show’s political focus contributed to its success, it also reflected a shift in the media landscape where politics became a dominant form of entertainment.

Stephen Colbert’s “Colbert Report” satirized politics. Then his “Late Show” confronted a moment when politics became self-satirizing.

CQ Roll Call/Associated Press; Scott Kowalchyk/CBS

By James Poniewozik

James Poniewozik has written about the connection between TV and politics since the 1990s. His first piece as chief television critic for The New York Times was a review of Stephen Colbert’s premiere on “The Late Show.”

When the CBS “Late Show” dies prematurely on May 21, Stephen Colbert will have been a late-night host for over two decades, long enough that this feels like the end of a cultural era. But what era exactly?

I’m loath to frame Colbert’s cancellation as “the death of late night” — that funeral has been going on for decades. The monoculture is long gone, the ratings smaller, the productions expensive. Yet the end of “The Late Show” still leaves us roughly where we were before David Letterman began the franchisein 1993, give or take a Jimmy Kimmel and sundry basic-cable shows.

A pointing man in a gray suit sits at a desk emblazoned with “The Colbert Report.”
“The Colbert Report,” which debuted in 2005, mainly satirized the political-media industry, with Stephen Colbert playing a telegenic blowhard.Joel Jefferies/Comedy Central

Nor can you diagnose this as audience burnout on political comedy. Colbert was the highest-rated host in his time slot for most of his run. Even if you believe his axing was “purely a financial decision” by CBS — you won’t catch me trying to convince you — his exit is reminiscent of the Smothers Brothers, whose political comedy show was a hit for CBS and got replaced by “Hee Haw” in 1969 anyway. End of an era? Maybe the era ended him.

But while his run lasted, Colbert presided over an era when political TV comedy could take a side and still succeed. Or actually, two eras, which almost perfectly coincided with his two shows: one that parodied politics, one made in a time when politics became a parody of itself.

COLBERT ARRIVED AS HOST of Comedy Central’s “The Colbert Report” in October 2005, with an eyebrow pointed like a javelin and a fully formed thesis statement.

“Stephen Colbert,” the conservative commentator Colbert had originated on “The Daily Show,” was the real Colbert’s own Bizarro reflection, a telegenic blowhard who knew nothing and said it as loud as he could. His first monologue introduced “truthiness,” a generation-defining coinage for the idea that it is more important for something to feel true than to be true.

It was a political age’s defining critique, and perhaps its epitaph. You might not have thought, when the “Report” premiered, that the George W. Bush era was over. The president had been re-elected with a popular-vote majority and had three more years in office. Culturally, cable news was in its bunting-draped post-9/11 era, parodied in the show’s screaming-eagle intro credits. Tucker Carlson still had a show on MSNBC.

Colbert nearly always remained in character in public appearances, as when discussing his gimmick presidential bid with Tim Russert in 2007.Alex Wong/Meet the Press, via Getty Images

But eras often end only in retrospect. In fall 2005, the war in Iraq was dragging on and the response to Hurricane Katrina had proved a debacle. When Colbert delivered the “truthiness” monologue — and certainly when he roasted President Bush and the media that covered him at the 2006 White House Correspondents’ Association dinner — it was as sure a sign as any that the culture had turned.

In 2008, Barack Obama, a president much more in line with Colbert’s real-life politics, won election. The nation changed course, but thanks to “the character,” as Colbert referred to his host persona, the show didn’t have to.

The Obama presidency was a boon for conservative commentators, from Glenn Beck working his chalkboard to Sean Hannity mocking the new president for putting Dijon mustard on his hamburger. The great American hot-air machine ensured that the “Report” would never lack for material.

“The Colbert Report” incorporated plenty of comedic stunts.Charles Sykes/Associated Press

What made the show enduring was that it was above all a satire of a political-media industry unconstrained by term limits. Like “The Daily Show,” it was a work of media criticism. It made fun of the imperative to defend the indefensible, to tie and gag one’s brain and follow one’s talking points right off an intellectual cliff.

The show also kept things interesting through a series of ever-bigger comic-educational stunts (a model later followed by John Oliver’s “Last Week Tonight”). Colbert tried to get on the ballot in the South Carolina presidential primary. (Because how absurd was it that you could go from hosting a TV show to the White House?) He sent viewers to edit the Wikipedia entries on elephants to illustrate “wikiality,” the idea that consensus belief in a lie could overrule facts. Most audaciously, he created an actual SuperPAC, an extended satire-seminar on the mechanisms by which money controls politics.

Colbert testified before Congress in character in 2010.Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse, via Getty Images

In 2014, when Colbert was named to succeed Letterman at “The Late Show,” it seemed like one of those cultural handoffs in which the alternative goes mainstream. He would leave basic cable for the major leagues, becoming a normal host of a normal show in normal times. One of his first guests, it was announced, would be the early Republican presidential front-runner Jeb Bush.

But when late-night comics make plans, God laughs hardest of all.

A FUNNY THING HAPPENED while Colbert was between shows: Donald Trump rode down an escalator in Trump Tower and transacted his hostile takeover of the national spotlight. The run of Colbert’s “Late Show” would coincide with, as he described it on a recent episode, “10 years of Donald Trump worming his way into our brains.”

When he debuted in September 2015, Colbert resisted going wholeheartedly political. His first show included a run of Trump gags, but Colbert capped off the routine by dumping a package of Oreos over his face, a spin that suggested these jokes were comedy junk food, an empty-calorie, cheap sugar high.

Who could blame him? He’d spent years marinating in partisan commentary to satirize it. “To model that behavior, you have to consume that behavior on a regular basis,” he told me at the time. “It became very hard to watch punditry of any kind.” He seemed good and done with it, ready to show another side of himself as an entertainer and a person.

When Colbert became host of “The Late Show,” he left his “Colbert Report” character behind.Chad Batka for The New York Times

Besides, the wisdom of TV for decades was that political points of view were deadly on big-network late night. People liked “equal-opportunity offenders” like Johnny Carson or Jay Leno, but if you took a side, you’d lose half your audience — especially on Middle America’s TV home, CBS.

But for the first year or so, Colbert’s “Late Show” felt rudderless, avoidant. It wasn’t for the host’s lack of talent as a performer or interviewer. The show was upbeat and playful, but it lacked a focus.

President Trump gave it one. By early 2017, he was the star of every late-night show’s monologues. But there was a difference between Colbert’s jokes and his “Tonight Show” competitor Jimmy Fallon’s. Fallon seemed desperately to hope everyone could just laugh about the president’s hairdo and move on. Colbert’s jabs had a take guided by a moral compass. (That, incidentally, also helped define for viewers the “real” person hidden for years behind a persona.)

And that’s when another funny thing happened: “The Late Show” pulled aheadand away from “The Tonight Show” in the ratings. Credit Colbert’s talent but also a shift in the culture and media environment. The idea that political stances were poison in late night, it turned out, was a holdover of pre-cable, pre-internet TV. Carson could speak to everyone because there was an “everyone” to speak to.

Donald Trump was polarizing — that was the point of him — a figure of a fragmented culture with few common spaces left. Conversely, he was also essentially the only American monoculture left, the one reference everyone would get, more than sports or music or niche entertainments. Talk shows couldn’t credibly choose pop culture over politics now that politics was pop culture.

This time, however, Colbert’s satire came in a different package: through himself, Stephen Colbert, no air quotes.

Colbert with Kamala Harris in 2025. “The Late Show” became more popular when it became more political.Scott Kowalchyk/CBS

Hosting “The Late Show” as himself was not an innovative idea; it was the conventional host mode since the days of black-and-white TV. But if only for its accident of timing, it was striking that Colbert was dropping his mask at a time when actual political rhetoric was increasingly weaponizing the use of memes and a joking-not-joking stance. (Among the things for which the president has claimed comic license: inviting Russia to hack Hillary Clinton, injecting disinfectant to kill the Covid virus, wanting a third term.)

If “The Colbert Report” was a lampoon of pundits who took themselves insufferably seriously, then “The Late Show” proved the right vehicle to make comedy of a politics of trolling and taunting. It was an old-fashioned talk show — with celebrities, musical guests and a band — taking on an era whose rhetoric was so extreme and aesthetics so garish as to be almost beyond parody. (Today, the White House social media regularly posts A.I. slop that makes the “Colbert Report” screaming eagle seem tasteful.)

It was not as innovative as “The Colbert Report.” Nor was it as gaspingly funny. Great comedy is about surprise, and political audiences want to be affirmed. The show felt less urgent in the Biden years (see the dancing syringescelebrating the Covid vaccine in 2021). The crowd’s fervor can get in the way of the comedy, as when a photo of JD Vance (“vice president and scornful hamster”) pops onscreen during Colbert’s monologue and the audience boos, muddying the rhythm and stepping on the joke.

I suspect this was not the show Colbert imagined doing when he started it in 2015. But then these are not the times many of us imagined we’d be living in, and the host stepped up to them. You can’t say his words didn’t leave a mark on the critic-in-chief, who celebrated Colbert’s cancellation on Truth Social: “I absolutely love that Colbert’ got fired.”

Both Colbert’s run as “Late Show” host and the franchise itself end on Thursday night.Scott Kowalchyk/CBS

AS IT IS, COLBERT’S “Late Show” will be defined largely by its chief antagonist. Indeed, since the cancellation was announced, President Trump’s second term has given “The Late Show” a glut of material and the kind of feisty energy that “The Colbert Report” had in its early days under President Bush.

The administration handed Colbert, a devoted Catholic, a parting gift for the show’s final weeks: an honest-to-God presidential feud with the Pope, not to mention the A.I. image President Trump posted that seemed to depict himself as Jesus Christ, though the president later said he thought the image was of him as a doctor.

“If you just woke from a coma and that report was the first thing you saw, you’d ask the doctor to put you back in,” Colbert said. “No, I’m sorry. You’d ask the Jesus to put you back in.”

It was a funny joke, but, like many of Colbert’s Trump zingers of late, it was laced with the exhaustion of having lived too long in interesting times. Colbert began his “Late Show” analogizing Trump jokes to a sleeve of cookies; now we’re all like Homer Simpson in Hell’s Ironic Punishment Division, being force-fed doughnuts for eternity.

Colbert at least will get to undergo a cleanse; his first post-late-night project is writing a script for a Peter Jackson “Lord of the Rings” movie, a fitting escape for TV’s chief Tolkien nerd. Good luck to him in Middle-Earth. Better luck to the rest of us on regular Earth, who must get by, for now, with one fewer comedic wizard beside us.

James Poniewozik is the chief TV critic for The Times. He writes reviews and essays with an emphasis on television as it reflects a changing culture and politics.“

Democrats’ Midterm Strength Masks Fierce Divides and Frustration, Poll Shows

 

Democrats’ Midterm Strength Masks Fierce Divides and Frustration, Poll Shows

“A New York Times/Siena poll reveals Democratic voters are unhappy with their party and divided on its future direction. The poll, conducted from May 11-15, 2026, surveyed 1,507 registered voters, including 784 potential Democratic supporters.

Democratic voters are in a combative, anti-establishment mood, unhappy with their party and disagreeing about its best path forward, a New York Times/Siena poll found.

Here are the key things to know about this New York Times/Siena poll:

  • The survey was conducted among 1,507 registered voters nationwide from May 11 to 15, 2026. Of those, 784 respondents were identified as potential Democratic supporters if they identified as Democrats or as independents who leaned toward the Democratic Party. Respondents who did not lean toward a party were included if they said they had voted for Kamala Harris in 2024 or planned to vote for a Democrat in 2026.
  • This poll was conducted in English and Spanish, by telephone using live interviewers. Overall, 99 percent of respondents were contacted on their cellphone. You can see the full results and exact questions that were asked among all voters and potential Democratic supporters.
  • Voters are selected for the survey from a list of registered voters. The list contains information on the demographic characteristics of every registered voter, allowing us to make sure we reach the right number of voters of each party, race and region. For this poll, interviewers placed nearly 260,000 calls to more than 97,000 voters.
  • To further ensure that the results reflect the entire voting population, not just those willing to take a poll, we give more weight to respondents from demographic groups that are underrepresented among survey respondents, like people without a college degree. You can see more information about the characteristics of respondents and the weighted sample at the bottom of the results and methodology page, under “Composition of the Sample.”
  • The margin of sampling error among registered voters is about plus or minus 2.8 percentage points. In theory, this means that the results should reflect the views of the overall population most of the time, though many other challenges create additional sources of error.
  • You can see full results and a detailed methodology among all voters and potential Democratic supporters. If you want to read more about how and why we conduct our polls, you can see answers to frequently asked questions and submit your own questions here.“

    Wednesday, May 20, 2026

    W.E.B. Du Bois: Rebel With A Cause | Full Documentary | American Masters | PBS

     

    Republicans Reject Raffensperger, Who Refused to ‘Find’ Votes for Trump

     

    Republicans Reject Raffensperger, Who Refused to ‘Find’ Votes for Trump

    In his campaign for Georgia governor, Mr. Raffensperger found that G.O.P. voters still blamed him for Mr. Trump’s 2020 loss.

    Brad Raffensperger standing at a lectern in a blue suit. His wife, Tricia, is at his side.
    Brad Raffensperger’s refusal to bow to President Trump’s demands in 2020 hurt him with the state’s Republican voters.Nicole Craine for The New York Times

    Soon after the 2020 presidential race, Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s Republican secretary of state, was given a “Democracy Action Hero” award by Arnold Schwarzenegger for standing up to President Trump's efforts to pressure him into overturning the election results.

    “You’ve proven to be a public servant, not a party servant,” Mr. Schwarzenegger, the former California governor and Hollywood star, told Mr. Raffensperger as he bestowed the honor.

    Mr. Raffensperger’s steadfastness in the face of Mr. Trump’s arm-twisting — including a now-infamous January 2021 phone call in which the president told Mr. Raffensperger  to “find” enough votes for him to win — transformed the mild-mannered politician into a darling of liberals and anti-Trump conservatives around the country. But Georgia’s Republican voters have for years considered Mr. Raffensperger a villain who enabled Mr. Trump’s 2020 loss.

    That, more than anything, explains why Mr. Raffensperger was soundly defeated on Tuesday in the Republican primary for Georgia governor. His third-place finish brings to a close, for now, a turbulent political career that saw prominent outsiders laud him as a “profile in courage,” even as he infuriated Mr. Trump’s base, whose support he needed to stay in the political game.

    Mr. Raffensperger, 71, a longtime conservative, was careful not to overtly criticize Mr. Trump during his run for governor. But it mattered little, as Mr. Raffensperger finished behind two solidly pro-Trump candidates, Lt. Gov. Burt Jones and Rick Jackson, a billionaire health care executive. 

    Mr. Raffensperger’s loss adds to a growing number of Republicans who have faced a political reckoning for crossing Mr. Trump during his 10-year reign over Republican politics. It also underscores the still-powerful thrum of the 2020 election and its aftermath. One of Mr. Jackson’s first ads called Mr. Raffensperger “Judas.” That echoed Mr. Trump’s previous line of attack, in which he called Mr. Raffensperger an “enemy of the people” for failing to act on unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud.

    Charles S. Bullock III, a political scientist at the University of Georgia, noted that this year, Mr. Trump largely avoided direct attacks on Mr. Raffensperger, though he endorsed Mr. Jones, an election denier.

    “Still, for MAGA voters, they would remember, probably, Trump’s criticism,” Mr. Bullock said. “It puts a chunk of the Republican primary electorate out of bounds for Raffensperger.”

    On election night, Charles Lutin, a 73-year-old retired doctor, was one of about two dozen supporters at the Raffensperger campaign’s watch party. 

    A lifelong Republican, Mr. Lutin said Mr. Raffensperger was one of the few remaining politicians he could trust.

    “Some in our party are still strong enough and have enough guts,” Mr. Lutin said, “to stand up for reality and stand up against bologna.”

    The candidate came out to speak on Tuesday night, hugging his wife, Tricia, at the podium. “Our message came up short, and we don’t dwell on it, we just kind of move on,” he said.

    On this evening, he told supporters, the message that won was one of grievance, largely driven by Mr. Trump: “Some people were living back about six years ago, talking about 2020.”

    Mr. Raffensperger, a civil engineer and former state House member, had built a conservative record. Running for secretary of state in 2018, he won on a promise“to make sure that only American citizens are voting in our elections,” even though there was no evidence that a significant number of noncitizens were doing so. Mr. Trump endorsed Mr. Raffensperger that year.

    Then came 2020. Few politicians, other than Mr. Trump himself, have been as defined by their actions then as Mr. Raffensperger, who, as secretary of state, was charged with overseeing Georgia elections.

    After a recording of Mr. Trump’s January 2021 phone call was leaked, the entire nation had a chance to hear Mr. Raffensperger’s calm, statistical refutation of Mr. Trump’s entreaties to “find” him enough votes to reverse his loss in Georgia.

    Along with the bouquets came brickbats. From the moment audits confirmed Mr. Trump’s loss in Georgia, Mr. Raffensperger, his staff and family faced relentless harassment and death threats. Members of a far-right militia group were spotted outside his house.

    Earlier this month, Mr. Raffensperger received a “manifesto” deemed a “credible threat on his life.” The next day, a suspicious object disrupted a campaign event in Macon, campaign officials said.

    Through the turmoil, Mr. Raffensperger did not put on “Never Trump” regalia. He was a vocal supporter of adding new voting restrictions in 2021, even if it meant ceding some of his authority over the state electoral process.

    He tried to craft a political persona of principled conservatism. He published a book, “Integrity Counts,” in November 2021, and headed into a 2022 re-election campaign against a Trump-backed challenger, Jody Hice, in the primary.

    Mr. Hice, a Freedom Caucus member leaving a safe House seat, made Mr. Trump’s 2020 election denialism central to his campaign.

    He saw some early fund-raising success, but suffered from poor name recognition. And though Mr. Raffensperger never wavered in his defense of the 2020 election and Georgia’s election process, he routinely spoke of wanting to investigate noncitizens on the voter rolls, despite a lack of evidence that they existed in meaningful numbers.

    Mr. Raffensperger surprised many by winning the primary by nearly 20 percentage points and avoiding a runoff.

    Some of Mr. Trump’s allies claimed that Mr. Raffensperger was buoyed by Democrats crossing over to vote in the Republican primary, but data suggested that his win came from unpredictable swing voters.

    Mr. Raffensperger's decision to run for governor was unsurprising. The current governor, Brian Kemp, had used the secretary of state’s office as a springboard to the governor’s mansion. (Mr. Kemp, who also pushed back against Mr. Trump’s accusations of voter fraud, is leaving office because of term limits.)

    But it was a crowded primary, and Chris Carr, the state attorney general, appealed to a very similar universe of voters. Mr. Jackson’s wealth allowed him to blanket the airwaves with $81 million in ads, according to AdImpact, an ad-tracking firm. Mr. Raffensperger spent just $4.5 million on ads.

    Mr. Raffensperger, who had built a successful steel company, sought to lean into this aspect of his biography. Campaign news releases referred to him as a “Christian conservative businessman.” On the trail, he focused on tax reform and job creation. His campaign website promised that he would “take on the woke left.”

    But he struggled to outrun the suspicion of some Republican voters, however unfounded, that he had given his blessing to an outcome that they believed was compromised.

    President Trump stoked that suspicion, directing federal agencies to investigate the 2020 election. In January, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, using an affidavit that relied on some already debunked conspiracy theories, raided a warehouse outside Atlanta and seized more than 600 boxes of material from that election.

    Until the end, Mr. Raffensperger’s rivals figured that he was a dog well worth kicking. In recent days, a number of them, including Lieutenant Governor Jones, had begun demanding that observers gain access to the state’s emergency operations center, where the secretary of state’s staff monitors potential threats and other problems on Election Day.

    Mr. Raffensperger said there was no reason to let them in. He noted that votes were not counted in the center, but rather in Georgia’s 159 counties, under the auspices of local elections officials.

    On Election Day, a judge ruled in favor of Mr. Raffensperger. He, in turn, denounced the criticism as “political theater.” Soon enough, though, Republican voters forced his exit from the stage.

    Johnny Kauffman contributed reporting.

    Richard Fausset, a Times reporter based in Atlanta, writes about the American South, focusing on politics, culture, race, poverty and criminal justice.

    Nick Corasaniti is a Times reporter covering national politics, with a focus on voting and elections.“

    Where Are the Republicans Who Put America First?

     

    Where Are the Republicans Who Put America First?

    “The Republican Party is divided into three factions: “Never Trump” Republicans who oppose Trump, “America First” Republicans who support his policies but not his undermining of democracy, and “Trump First” Republicans who prioritize Trump’s interests over the Constitution. The “Trump First” faction is actively purging “America First” Republicans, threatening to remove any checks on Trump’s power. This includes gerrymandering electoral districts and using taxpayer funds for political gain, raising concerns about the future of American democracy.

    A blurred image of Republican congressmen standing and looking off camera.
    Damon Winter/The New York Times

    As President Trump and his administration head toward the midterm elections, it’s now clear that the Republican Party has split into three factions: the “Never Trump” Republicans, who refuse to ever vote for this unethical man; the “America First” Republicans, who favor Trump’s policies but won’t countenance his destroying American norms and laws; and “Trump First” Republicans — those who think Trump’s dictates come first and the Constitution and traditional norms come second.

    The most alarming thing happening in America today is that the Trump First Republicans, on Trump’s orders, are purging the few America First Republicans. So should the G.O.P. hold the House and the Senate in the midterms, there will be no brakes whatsoever on this party and this president. I would not at all rule out their pushing for a third Trump term. We are going to a very bad place.

    Just look at the trend-line: The Never Trump Republicans, who included traditional conservatives like Liz Cheney, John McCain and Mitt Romney, did not believe in Trump the man or many of his ideas. They thought that he both dishonored the Constitution and true conservative principles. Alas, though, McCain died, Cheney was forced out of the party and Romney quit politics altogether.  On Tuesday, another Trump antagonist in the Republican Party, Representative Thomas Massie of Kentucky, lost a primary to an opponent handpicked by the president.

    The America First Republicans were ready to sign on to many Trump ideas — lowering taxes or limiting immigration or deflating the woke left — but when it came down to a choice between advancing those ideas and undermining democracy, this faction drew a red line. They put America first, not Trump first.

    I am talking about people like former Vice President Mike Pence, Senator Bill Cassidy of Louisiana and the Indiana and South Carolina state legislators who refused to go along with Trump’s shameful out-of-cycle gerrymandering of electoral districts just to increase the G.O.P.’s odds of holding the House. But now they too are being driven from the party.

    Cassidy, the two-term Republican who voted to convict Trump in his 2021 impeachment trial, was just defeated by a Trump First Republican in his primary. The back and forth between Cassidy and Trump was revealing. While he did not mention Trump by name in his concession speech, there was no doubt about whom Cassidy was talking about.

    “Let me just set the record straight,” Cassidy said. “Our country is not about one individual. It is about the welfare of all Americans, and it is about our Constitution. And if someone doesn’t understand that and attempts to control others through using the levers of power, they’re about serving themselves. They’re not about serving us. And that person is not qualified to be a leader.”

    Trump’s response was more direct — and incredibly revealing. He wrote on social media of Cassidy: “His disloyalty to the man who got him elected is now a part of legend, and it’s nice to see that his political career is OVER!”

    Read those words carefully: “His disloyalty to the man” — not to the Constitution — is what got him defeated. Trump first.

    Senator Lindsey Graham, who seems willing to abandon any principle he ever held to stay on Trump’s good side and remain his golfing buddy, expressed the essence of the Trump First Republicans after Cassidy lost:

    “You can disagree with President Trump,” Graham said, “but if you try to destroy him, you’re going to lose, because this is the party of Donald Trump.”

    Read those words carefully, too: It is not the party of Republicans, it is “the party of Donald Trump," which means it is whatever Trump says it is. But the most revealing part of Graham’s quote was“If you try to destroy him, you’re going to lose.”

    Translation: If you vote, as Cassidy did, to convict Trump after he was impeached for inciting an insurrection in our nation’s capital in a shameful effort to overturn the free and fair 2020 election, it means you are trying to “destroy” Trump — not protect America.

    For Graham, upholding the Constitution apparently equals trying to “destroy” a man, even when that man was attempting to destroy the most sacred principle of our Constitution: the peaceful transfer of power by elections.

    Don’t worry, Lindsey, your place in Trump’s golf rotation is secure.

    At least Cassidy is not alone in the America First G.O.P. wing. My colleague David French wrote eloquently about the Republican majority leader of the South Carolina Senate, Shane Massey, who last week gave a speech explaining why he would not go along with Trump’s personal request that he support a midterm gerrymander to eliminate the state’s only Democratic-held congressional district.

    A reminder: The Constitution requires a census every 10 years and reapportionment of House seats among states based on the population changes. But it is silent on when states can redistrict. Some states explicitly limit redistricting to once per decade in line with the census and some have independent commissions that restrict when and how lines can be redrawn. But once-in-a-decade has been the norm in most states, because new census data was the natural trigger.

    For Trump to order Republican-dominated states to redistrict on his whim — purely to manipulate the election outcome so the G.O.P. won’t lose the House in November under a president whose popularity is at record lows — may be technically legal under the Constitution, but it is pure cheating in my book. It is also pure Trump: Life is only about what you can do, never about what you should do.

    Massey wasn’t buying it. He refused to be a party to that travesty in his state — and specifically he refused to wipe out Representative James Clyburn’s district. Clyburn is the only Black member of the House from South Carolina, a state that is roughly 30 percent Black. The other six are Republicans.

    Like a true America First Republican, Massey described himself as a “rabid partisan” and Washington Democrats as “crazy,” but he drew the line at cheating. Massey said he rued the day when “maybe we become convinced that the only way to preserve the Republic is to implement policies that are contrary to the founding ideas of the Republic.”

    A similar sentiment was expressed by the America First Republican state legislators in Indiana who refused to obey Trump’s demand to wipe out Democratic-leaning districts. In the recent Republican primary there, five of those legislators lost to candidates who openly ran on their willingness to put Trump first.

    Spencer Deery, one of two anti-redistricting Republicans to survive the pro-Trump cash tsunami to oust them, told NBC News, “I will never regret listening to constituents and doing the right thing.”

    This is not one of those “both sides are doing it” things. Everything California did and Virginia tried to do in terms of out-of-cycle redistricting was based on statewide votes — not legislative shenanigans. They were only temporary and were initiated in self-defense against Trump’s effort to wipe out Democratic congressional seats in every state possible, starting in Texas.

    So let me end where I began: Trump’s midcycle “redistricting” is not politics as usual, but cheating. And the $1.776 billion slush fund Trump just established to pay “victims” of the Biden administration’s supposed lawfare — which, as The Washington Post editorial board noted, “will pay out for two years before conveniently ceasing to exist right after the 2028 election, ensuring Democrats never get control over the money” — is not business as usual. It is stealing our tax dollars.

    Democrats may still turn out enough votes in the midterms to overcome this in-your-face cheating and stealing. But if that doesn’t happen — if it is precisely this dirty dealing that keeps the Democrats from taking the House even if they overwhelmingly win the popular vote nationally — people are not going to take it sitting down. And they shouldn’t.

    I worry for the future of the Republic if that happens. You push, you push, you push — and you never know when you’ve crossed the last red line and wiped out the last norm and our whole governing system just starts to fall apart.

    That is exactly where Trump and the Trump First Republicans are driving us.

    The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

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    Thomas L. Friedman is the foreign affairs Opinion columnist. He joined the paper in 1981 and has won three Pulitzer Prizes. He is the author of seven books, including “From Beirut to Jerusalem,” which won the National Book Award. @tomfriedman  Facebook

    Senate Votes to Take Up Measure to Force Trump to End Iran War

    Senate Votes to Take Up Measure to Force Trump to End Iran War

    “The Senate voted 50-47 to advance a resolution forcing President Trump to end the Iran war or seek congressional authorization. This marks the eighth attempt by Democrats and a few Republicans to limit Trump’s war powers, with growing GOP skepticism fueled by Trump’s failure to seek congressional approval past the 60-day deadline. The resolution, even if passed, faces a likely presidential veto.

    With four Republican backers, Democrats won a vote to advance a resolution that would force the president to end hostilities or win authorization from Congress.

    The sliver of G.O.P. skepticism to the president’s handling of the Iran conflict widened last week.Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times

    The Senate on Tuesday agreed to take up a measure that would force President Trump to end the war in Iran or win authorization from Congress to continue it, after a handful of Republicans joined Democrats in pushing forward with a resolution the G.O.P. has managed to block for months.

    Senator Bill Cassidy, the Louisiana Republican who lost his primary over the weekend after Mr. Trump targeted him for defeat, was the latest member of his party to switch his vote and side with Democrats in an effort to limit the president’s war powers. That, combined with the absences of several other Republicans, was enough to push the resolution forward.

    The vote was 50 to 47 to advance the resolution, allowing it to be debated and receive a vote in the coming weeks. It was the eighth attempt by Democrats and a single Republican to rein in Mr. Trump’s war powers since he began the military campaign, now in its third month, which a majority of Americans say he should never have launched.

    Senator John Fetterman of Pennsylvania was again the only Democrat to vote with Republicans to beat back the measure, while Mr. Cassidy was one of four Republicans who sided with Democrats to push it forward. Mr. Cassidy said after the vote that the Trump administration had “left Congress in the dark on Operation Epic Fury,” referring to the administration’s name for the operation.

    “In Louisiana, I’ve heard from people, including President Trump’s supporters, who are concerned about this war,” he added in a statement. “Until the administration provides clarity, no congressional authorization or extension can be justified.”

    The sliver of G.O.P. skepticism to the president’s handling of the Iran conflict widened last week, fueled in part by Mr. Trump ignoring a statutory deadline to seek permission from Congress to carry on combat operations past 60 days. In both the House and Senate, efforts to advance a war powers resolution were narrowly defeated.

    Senator Lisa Murkowski, Republican of Alaska, voted with Democrats on the measure. Kenny Holston/The New York Times

    On Tuesday, Senators Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Susan Collins of Maine, both of whom rejected the administration’s claim that the fragile cease-fire between the United States and Iran has pushed off the 60-day deadline, joined Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, who opposes foreign military intervention, in voting with Democrats to bring the measure to the Senate floor.

    It was not immediately clear when the Senate could vote on passage of the war powers resolution, which, even if approved by both chambers, would still be subject to an all-but-certain veto.

    With three G.O.P. senators absent — Tommy Tuberville of Alabama, Thom Tillis of North Carolina and John Cornyn of Texas — the majority was unable to beat back the resolution as they have seven times since the war began. Still, Mr. Cassidy’s defection was the latest sign of growing Republican resistance to Mr. Trump’s handling of the conflict and to his refusal to engage with Congress on it.

    “The momentum is moving our way slowly,” said Senator Tim Kaine of Virginia, the Democrat leading the weekslong effort to pressure Republicans into voting to end the war.

    Senator Bill Cassidy, Republican of Louisiana, on Tuesday.Haiyun Jiang/The New York Times

    Democrats have for months argued that passage of such a measure would send a message to Mr. Trump that popular opinion for the operation had soured.

    “What the president cares about is his own popularity, and when Congress, even including members of his own party, start to vote against him,” Mr. Kaine added.

    The House was expected to vote on a similar measure in the coming days. Lawmakers in that chamber just barely defeated a war powers resolution last week on a tie vote, after two Republicans, frustrated by the president ignoring the legal deadline to seek permission from Congress to carry on fighting past 60 days, defected to join Democrats to move ahead with the measure.

    The vote fell as the cease-fire looked increasingly shaky. Mr. Trump said Monday that he would hold off launching any new major attacks on Iran to allow more time for diplomacy. But he has threatened to order a “full, large-scale assault” if Iran does not agree to terms acceptable to the White House.

    Disagreement between the United States and Iran over the future of Iran’s nuclear program and the Strait of Hormuz have slowed talks. Iran has mostly barred transit through the major global shipping route since the opening days of the war, driving up the cost of oil and gas and fueling frustration in the United States over the war because of the spike in energy prices.

    Mr. Kaine said he expected the Senate would not take the next procedural vote on his war powers resolution until after the Memorial Day recess. He added that he hoped hearing from constituents would make Republicans who voted against it on Tuesday think twice about whether they would continue to stand by the war.

    “People are going to hear an earful when they get home about gas prices,” he said.“