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Monday, April 29, 2024

Campus Protests Over Gaza War Deepen Democratic Rifts - The New York Times

College Protests Over Gaza Deepen Democratic Rifts

"Scenes of chaos unfolding on campuses across the country are stoking internal divisions and carry political risk as a major election year unfolds.

A large Israeli flag is waved in the foreground at a protest on a campus. In the background amid a group of demonstrators are Palestinian flags.
A protest last week at the University of California, Los Angeles.Mark Abramson for The New York Times

Nearly seven months after the Israel-Hamas war began, the demonstrations convulsing college campuses nationwide are exposing fresh tensions within the Democratic Party over how to balance free speech protections and support for Gazans with concerns that some Jewish Americans are raising about antisemitism.

From New York and Los Angeles to Atlanta and Austin, a surge in student activism has manifested in protest encampments and other demonstrations, drawing significant police crackdowns and sometimes appearing to attract outside agitators. The protests also have emerged as the latest flashpoint in the internal Democratic debate over the war.

As scenes of campus turmoil play out across the country in the final days of the school year, the moment also carries political risk for a party that has harnessed promises of stability and normalcy to win critical recent elections, and faces a challenging battle for control of the government in the fall.

“The real question is, can the Democrats again portray themselves as the steady hand at the helm?” said Dan Sena, a veteran Democratic strategist. “Things that create national chaos like this make that harder to do.”

Mr. Sena and other Democrats have argued that Americans have good reason to associate their opponents with chaos: Former President Donald J. Trump faces multiple criminal cases; the narrow, fractious House Republican majority has its own divisions concerning Israel and free speech; some Republicans have urged National Guard deployments to college campuses; and for years, Republicans have faced criticism over antisemitism in their own ranks.

But since the Hamas-led attack on Israel on Oct. 7, and the Israeli military response that has killed more than 30,000 people, according to local authorities, the fight over American policy toward Israel has been especially pronounced on the left.

Most Democrats say they both support free speech and condemn antisemitism, and consider criticism of the Israeli government to be fair game. But in seeking to address an intractable conflict marked by competing historical narratives, debates over how to distinguish between legitimate criticism of Israel and antisemitic speech are fraught and reaching a fever pitch on campus.

To some lawmakers who have visited encampments and attended demonstrations, the students are part of a long tradition of campus activism, and their free speech rights are at risk. Incidents of antisemitism, they say, do not reflect a broader movement that includes many young progressive Jews.

Representative Greg Casar of Texas went to the University of Texas to show solidarity with demonstrators, linking their activism to that of students who opposed the Vietnam and Iraq wars.

“So often, history ends up vindicating those who call for peace early,” he said. “I do think that more and more members of Congress will start to show up at these events and start to hear out more and more of where the students are coming from.”

Asked about instances in which demonstrators around the country have used antisemitic language, Mr. Casar replied, “those people suck.”

“They’re not a part of the peace movement,” he said. “Anybody that’s motivated by hatred — be it racism, Islamophobia, antisemitism, hatred of any form — they’re not peaceful.”

But to other Democrats, instances of intimidation and harassment described by some Jewish students are a defining feature of the campus movement.

Nowhere have those tensions been more clear than at Columbia University, which has become both an epicenter of the protest movement and a focal point for its detractors.

Democrats including President Biden, House and Senate leaders and prominent Senate candidates such as Representatives Adam Schiff in California and Ruben Gallego in Arizona have condemned antisemitic harassment around Columbia.

Other Democrats have sought to show solidarity in person with Jewish students who have described feeling unsafe. Representative Jared Moskowitz, a Florida Democrat, recently visited the campus with several other Jewish lawmakers.

Some in his party, he said, were downplaying the hard-line nature of some of the demonstrations.

“There are people who are peaceful, and there are not,” he said. “But there’s a denial from my friends on the left,” a view that “‘everyone’s peaceful, there’s no antisemitism.’”

He declined to name names, though he and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have sparred on social media. Ms. Ocasio-Cortez of New York, one of several progressive lawmakers who have visited the Columbia encampment, has also condemned “horrific people wandering outside” Columbia’s campus who espouse “virulent antisemitism.” 

But broadly, Mr. Moskowitz argued, some on the left who rightfully criticized antisemitic chants from “white, Aryan-looking men with tiki torches” rallying in Charlottesville, Va., in 2017 seemed reluctant to denounce threatening speech when it came from liberal-leaning Americans.

“I don’t see the same level of outrage,” Mr. Moskowitz said. “It’s politically inconvenient now.”

Representative Jerrold Nadler of New York, a long-serving Jewish member of Congress, has also expressed concerns about antisemitism. But he said his party was consistent in calling out bigotry, in contrast to many Republicans, pointing to Charlottesville. (Mr. Moskowitz shared that assessment about Republicans.)

“Democrats are willing to call out antisemitism, wherever it is, and certainly there’s been some antisemitism on campuses,” Mr. Nadler said, though he questioned how representative the demonstrations were of the student body. 

Lauren Hitt, a spokeswoman for Mr. Biden’s campaign, said that “while Donald Trump stood proudly with white supremacists and encouraged violent crackdowns on peaceful demonstrators,” Mr. Biden defends the First Amendment and has “strengthened protections against antisemitism and Islamophobia.”

In Georgia, where demonstrators at Emory University were subdued forcefully, State Representative Ruwa Romman said that “there is no room for antisemitism in this movement.”

But she warned against focusing on a “few agitators” over the “thousands of students who are welcoming, who believe in a multiracial, multicultural, multi-faith world.”

“When we lose young people, we’re not just losing at the ballot box,” said Ms. Romman, a Democrat who is Palestinian. “We’re losing them in the entire electoral apparatus.”

In the meantime, some Republicans are seeking to paint the whole Democratic Party as extreme and overly attuned to concerns of Ivy League protesters.

Democrats “are demonstrating that they’re listening to a very small, very radical, very online segment of their base that is not representative of the broader electorate,” said Jack Pandol, a spokesman for the House Republican campaign arm, which is selling T-shirts that allude to a profanity aimed at Hamas.

Former Representative Steve Israel, who led the House Democratic campaign arm, said that while Republicans might see a messaging opportunity, it was far too early to determine whether it would be potent come November.

“Campuses generally clear out in summer, the energy on this issue may dissipate and the question will be whether it returns in the fall,” he said. “The answer to that isn’t here. It’s in the Middle East.”

Campus Protests Over Gaza War Deepen Democratic Rifts - The New York Times

Sunday, April 28, 2024

Biden and Colin Jost Address the White House Correspondents Dinner - The New York Times

‘I’m a Grown Man Running Against a 6-Year-Old’: Biden Lets Trump Jokes Fly at Annual Roast

"Journalists and politicians schmoozed over filet mignon at the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner as pro-Palestinian protesters gathered outside.

President Biden didn’t waste time.

Just minutes into his speech at the White House Correspondents’ Association dinner on Saturday, Mr. Biden launched into the issues dominating the 2024 election, including his age and former President Donald J. Trump’s hush-money trial in New York.

“The 2024 election’s in full swing and yes, age is an issue,” Mr. Biden said in a roughly 10-minute speech. “I’m a grown man running against a 6-year-old.”

“Donald has had a few tough days lately. You might call it ‘stormy’ weather,” Mr. Biden said, an oblique reference to Stormy Daniels, a porn actress who claims to have had sex with Mr. Trump in 2006 and received a hush-money payment in the days before the 2016 election, a deal at the center of his New York trial.

The comments, even as part of a roast, were notable given Mr. Biden has forbidden his aides to talk publicly about Mr. Trump’s legal troubles. But they also came as Mr. Biden has ramped up his attacks on Mr. Trump, sharpening the split-screen between a president on the campaign trail and a former president spending his days in a courtroom.

The annual dinner at the Washington Hilton Hotel provided a break to journalists and government officials from their normal jousting for a night of glitz and gossip in celebration of the free press. Mr. Biden, who has held fewer news conferences than his predecessors, extended his roast to the journalists gathered for the dinner.

“Some of you complained that I don’t take enough of your questions,” Mr. Biden said. “No comment.”

“The New York Times issued a statement blasting me for ‘actively and effectively avoiding independent journalists,’” Mr. Biden said. “Hey, if that’s what it takes to get The New York Times to say I’m active and effective, I’m for it.”

Outside the gates of the Washington Hilton, however, outrage over Mr. Biden’s support for Israel’s war in Gaza was evident.

As journalists and politicians arrived at the hotel, many were swarmed by pro-Palestinian protesters chanting, “Shame on you!” Other protesters wearing press vests with the names of more than 100 Palestinian journalists who have been killed in Gaza lay down in front of the dinner venue.

“By putting our human bodies on the street, we create a little discomfort” for the journalists attending the event, said Hazami Barmada, an organizer of the protest.

Inside the hotel ballroom, many journalists wore pins reading “Free Evan” to raise awareness of Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich, who has been detained in Russia since March 2023 — wrongfully, according to the U.S. government.

transcript

Biden Vows to Bring Home Detained U.S. Journalists

President Biden took a more somber tone to acknowledge journalists who were wrongfully detained overseas. “We’re not going to give up until we get them home,” he said.

“There are some who call you the enemy of the people. That’s wrong and it’s dangerous. You literally risk your lives doing your job. And some of your colleagues have given their lives, and many have suffered grievous injuries. Other reporters have lost their freedom. Journalism is clearly not a crime, not here, not there, not anywhere in the world. We’re doing everything we can to bring home journalists, fellow journalists, Austin and all Americans, like Paul Whelan. You know, who wrongfully detained all around the world. And I give you my word as a Biden, we’re not going to give up until we get them home. All of them. All of them.” “At The Wall Street Journal, they are counting, for Moscow correspondent Evan Gershkovich, 396 days since he was jailed in Russia. The U.S. government has designated Evan as wrongfully detained. And Evan’s parents and his family are with us tonight. And we are with you, always. We remember Austin Tice, 4,276 days, nearly 12 years since he was kidnapped in Syria. His mother, Deborah, is with us, and Mrs. Tice, we are with you. And Mr. President, again, we humbly ask that you do everything you can to bring them home.

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President Biden took a more somber tone to acknowledge journalists who were wrongfully detained overseas. “We’re not going to give up until we get them home,” he said.Haiyun Jiang for The New York Times

Kelly O’Donnell, a senior White House reporter for NBC News who is also president of the correspondents’ association, used her remarks to call attention to journalists who have been captured or killed while doing their jobs, including Mr. Gershkovich; Austin Tice, who was kidnapped while reporting in Syria; and reporters who have been killed in Gaza.

“Our profession can be perilous,” Ms. O’Donnell said. “Since October, about 100 journalists have been killed, most of those deaths in Gaza.”

Ms. O’Donnell also said the association had wanted to choose both a writer and a comedian when it came to their host this year. Colin Jost, the co-anchor of “Weekend Update” on “Saturday Night Live” — and a former reporter for the Staten Island Advance — spent roughly 23 minutes poking fun at the president.

But Mr. Jost’s speech was relatively light, even supportive of Mr. Biden. He ended it by noting that his grandfather, who recently died, had voted for Mr. Biden in the last election.

“The reason he voted for you is because you’re a decent man,” Mr. Jost said.

Still, Mr. Jost didn’t miss an opportunity to needle the president over his poll numbers.

“My ‘Weekend Update’ co-anchor, Michael Che, was going to join me here tonight — but in solidarity with President Biden I decided to lose all my Black support,” Mr. Jost said, referring to polling that has shown Mr. Biden struggling with Black voters.

Over seared petit filet mignon, celebrities and journalists also had a chance to catch those setting policy that will impact Americans for years to come. Lester Holt, the anchor of NBC News, sat next to Jeffrey D. Zients, the White House chief of staff, who made sure to stand up and speak briefly with the Rev. Al Sharpton.

Not everyone was in a tuxedo or dress — Senator John Fetterman, Democrat of Pennsylvania, showed up wearing a white, hooded sweatshirt emblazoned with a bow-tie design on its front.

Hollywood was well represented at the dinner, with the actress Scarlett Johansson, who is married to Mr. Jost, sitting up front. Popular cable news anchors dined with the actors Jon Hamm and Sean Penn, among others.

Before making their way to their seats, politicians like Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, and Gov. J.B. Pritzker of Illinois held court with guests as Biden campaign officials talked about recent polls showing Mr. Biden cutting into Mr. Trump’s lead.

Mr. Biden, too, sounded emboldened. While he rarely mentioned Mr. Trump by name early in his presidency, he has aggressively taunted him as of late and kept it going on Saturday.

“Did you hear what Donald said about the major Civil War battle?” Mr. Biden said. “Gettysburg. Wow. Trump’s speech was so embarrassing, the statue of Robert E. Lee surrendered again.”

“Age is the only thing we have in common,” Mr. Biden, 81, said of Mr. Trump, 77. “My vice president actually endorses me,” Mr. Biden said, referring to former Vice President Mike Pence’s decision not to endorse Mr. Trump.

Mr. Biden also used his speech at the dinner to warn about his political opponent’s threats on democracy — increasingly a focus of his message to voters.

“Focus on what’s actually at stake,” Mr. Biden said. “The stakes couldn’t be higher.”

Biden and Colin Jost Address the White House Correspondents Dinner - The New York Times

Could Eating Less Help You Live Longer?

Could Eating Less Help You Live Longer?

Calorie restriction and intermittent fasting both increase longevity in animals, aging experts say. Here’s what that means for you.

An illustration of a person's face, repeated to show a progression of aging. Around them clock hands reveal areas of food on circular clock shapes that double as plates.
Mike Ellis

“If you put a lab mouse on a diet, cutting the animal’s caloric intake by 30 to 40 percent, it will live, on average, about 30 percent longer. The calorie restriction, as the intervention is technically called, can’t be so extreme that the animal is malnourished, but it should be aggressive enough to trigger some key biological changes.

Listen to this article with reporter commentary

Scientists first discovered this phenomenon in the 1930s, and over the past 90 years it has been replicated in species ranging from worms to monkeys. The subsequent studies also found that many of the calorie-restricted animals were less likely to develop cancer and other chronic diseases related to aging.

But despite all the research on animals, there remain a lot of unknowns. Experts are still debating how it works, and whether it’s the number of calories consumed or the window of time in which they are eaten (also known as intermittent fasting) that matters more.

And it’s still frustratingly uncertain whether eating less can help people live longer, as well. Aging experts are notorious for experimenting on themselveswith different diet regimens, but actual longevity studies are scant and difficult to pull off because they take, well, a long time.

Here’s a look at what scientists have learned so far, mostly through seminal animal studies, and what they think it might mean for humans.

Why would cutting calories increase longevity?

Scientists don’t exactly know why eating less would cause an animal or person to live longer, but many hypotheses have an evolutionary bent. In the wild, animals experience periods of feast and famine, as did our human ancestors. Therefore, their (and conceivably our) biology evolved to survive and thrive not only during seasons of abundance, but also seasons of deprivation.

One theory is that, on a cellular level, calorie restriction makes animals more resilient to physical stressors. For example, calorie-restricted mice have greater resistance to toxins and recover faster from injury, said James Nelson, a professor of cellular and integrative physiology at the University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio.

Another explanation involves the fact that, in both humans and animals, eating fewer calories slows down metabolism. It’s possible that “the less you have to get your body to metabolize, the longer it can live,” said Dr. Kim Huffman, an associate professor of medicine at Duke University School of Medicine who has studied calorie restriction in people. “You know, just slow the wheels down and the tires will last longer.”

Calorie restriction also forces the body to rely on fuel sources other than glucose, which aging experts think is beneficial for metabolic health and, ultimately, longevity. Several researchers pointed to a process known as autophagy, where the body eats up malfunctioning parts of cells and uses them for energy. This helps cells function better and lowers the risk of several age-related diseases.

In fact, scientists think that one of the main reasons calorie-restricted diets make mice live longer is because the animals don’t get sick as early, if at all, said Dr. Richard Miller, a professor of pathology at the University of Michigan.

There are a few notable exceptions to the findings around longevity and calorie restriction. Most striking was a study Dr. Nelson published in 2010 on mice that were genetically diverse. He found that some of the mice lived longer when they ate less, but a larger percentage actually had a shorter life span.

“That was kind of really unheard of,” Dr. Nelson said, noting that most papers on calorie restriction start out by saying: “‘Food restriction is the most robust, almost universal means of extending life span in species across the animal kingdom’ and blah, blah, blah.”

Other researchers have disputed the significance of Dr. Nelson’s findings. “People cite this study as though it were general evidence that caloric restriction only works a tiny portion, or some portion of the time,” Dr. Miller said. “But you can reach that conclusion only if you ignore 50 years of strong published evidence saying that it works almost all the time.”

Dr. Nelson’s study wasn’t the only one that didn’t find a universal longevity benefit with calorie restriction, though. For example, two studies conducted in monkeys for over 20 years, published in 2009 and 2012, reported conflicting findings. Animals in both experiments showed some health benefits tied to caloric restriction, but only one group lived longer and had lower rates of age-related diseases, like cardiovascular disease and diabetes.

What does intermittent fasting have to do with it?

In the face of these mixed results, some researchers wonder if there may be another variable at play that is just as, or even more, important than the number of calories an animal eats: the window of time in which they eat them.

A key difference between the two monkey trials was that in the 2009 study, conducted at the University of Wisconsin, the calorie-restricted animals only received one meal a day and the researchers took away any leftover food in the late afternoon, so the animals were forced to fast for about 16 hours. In the 2012 study, run by the National Institute on Aging, the animals were fed twice a day and the food was left out overnight. The Wisconsin monkeys were the ones that lived longer.

more recent study conducted in mice explicitly tested the effects of calorie restriction with and without intermittent fasting. Scientists gave the animals the same low-calorie diet, but some had access to the food for just two hours, others for 12 hours and another group for 24. Compared to a control group of mice that could graze on a full-calorie diet at any time, the low-calorie mice with 24-hour access lived 10 percent longer, while the low-calorie mice that ate within specific time windows had up to a 35 percent increase in life span.

Based on this collection of findings, Rafael de Cabo, a senior investigator at the N.I.A. who helped lead the monkey study there, now thinks that while calorie restriction is important for longevity, the amount of time spent eating — and not eating — every day is just as critical. And that might be the case not only for animals, but also for humans.

What does this mean for me?

It’s difficult to definitively answer whether intermittent fasting, calorie restriction or a combination of the two could cause people to live longer.

“I don’t think we have any evidence that it extends life span in humans,” Dr. Nelson said. That doesn’t mean it can’t work, he added, just that the evidence is “very hard to come by because it takes a lifetime to get that data.”

One clinical trial — named the Calerie study — attempted to answer this question by examining how cutting calories by 25 percent for two years affected a range of measurements related to aging. More than 100 healthy adults were advised on meal planning and given regular counseling sessions to help them reach their diet goals. But because it’s so difficult to reduce calories, participants were ultimately only able to reduce their intake by about 11 percent.

Compared to control participants, the dieters improved several aspects of their cardio-metabolic health, including blood pressure and insulin sensitivity, and they had lower levels of a few markers of inflammation.

The study also included three measures of “biological age,” comparing blood tests taken at the beginning and end of the two years. Two of the tests didn’t find an improvement in either group, but the third, which purports to measure how fast people age, did show a difference in the dieters. Calorie restriction “didn’t make people younger, but it made the rate at which they age slower,” said Dr. Huffman, who worked on the trial.

To Dr. Miller, the most significant conclusion from this study is that the 25 to 40 percent calorie restriction shown to be beneficial in animals is just not realistic in people. “Everything that could be accomplished to try to help them” cut calories was done for the participants, he said, and they still fell short of the goal of 25 percent.

Dr. de Cabo had a different take: “With only 11 percent calorie restriction that was achieved by the participants, they still show benefits,” he said.

Other research has focused on the short-term effects of intermittent fasting in people with a range of body mass indexes. Some studies, testing a variety of fasting schedules, showed improved metabolic health and reduced inflammation. But a trial of 116 people whose B.M.I. classified them as overweight or obese found no benefit among those who ate within an eight-hour window but didn’t reduce their calories, compared to a control group.

And to add a final twist, there is a notable body of evidence that appears to directly contradict the idea that calorie restriction or fasting, which typically leads to weight loss, extends human life span. Research consistently finds that people who are classified as overweight have a lower risk of death than those who are normal or underweight. One hypothesis is that people with the lowest B.M.I.s may be thin because they are older or have a chronic illness. Another is that people with higher B.M.I.s have more muscle, which weighs more than fat. But it’s also conceivable that, especially later in life, having greater body mass is actually protective, Dr. Huffman said.

Despite nearly a century of research, there’s still a ways to go before experts can say for certain whether the longevity benefits seen in animals will translate to humans. Some studies provide reason to believe that calorie restriction and intermittent fasting will help you live longer, and there are likely shorter-term benefits, particularly when it comes to heart and metabolic health. But it’s also possible that eating less might not do much more than leave you hungry.“

Saturday, April 27, 2024

A new generation at UC Berkeley pitches its tents | California | The Guardian

A new generation at UC Berkeley pitches its tents

Brightly colored tents on a brick, tiered plaza.
The student encampment at UC Berkeley to demand a ceasefire in Gaza and the school’s divestment from Israel. Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images

"Rows of tents line the steps at Sproul Hall, the grand neoclassical administration building that soars up nine stories near the main entrance to the University of California, Berkeley.

Thursday marked the fourth day of the Free Palestine Camp, one of dozens of sit-ins that have sprung up on campuses across the US as symbols of protests for a student-led pro-Palestinian movement.

“We are doing what we can do,” second-year PhD student and organizer Yazen Kashlan said over the sounds of a crackling loudspeaker booming recordings of Palestinian support through the adjoining plaza. ‘To what extent the university is ready to budge, that is what we are figuring out. We got into this because we don’t know.”

The protesters have set out clear demands. They want the university to vocally condemn the violence in Gaza, call for an end to it, and to disclose and divest all University of California financial holdings connected to the conflict. They’re particularly focused on the $427m investment portfolio of the school’s endowment with BlackRock, a global asset manager the activists say has holdings in weapons manufacturers. They also want UC Berkeley to academically boycott Israeli universities (including ending a summer internship program held there) and create a permanent Palestinian studies program.

UC Berkeley has said a change in its investment strategy is not on the table.

But the school has budged before.

The steps of the Sproul Hall have long served as the backdrop for movements at the university that have been etched into history, a legacy the school now claims with pride. This plaza hosted student protesters who gathered in the 1960s to fight for their rights to free speech. It was here that Martin Luther King Jr called for a “revolution of values” whileaddressing thousands who had gathered against the Vietnam war and in support of the civil rights movement. It’s where the South African anti-apartheid movement on campus was staged in the 1980s.

Black and white photo of Black man speaking and gesturing behind lectern to sea of mostly white face.
Dr Martin Luther King speaks at UC Berkeley, in Berkeley, California, on 17 May 1967. Photograph: AP

Today, the Free Speech Movement Cafe serves salads and sandwiches from within an undergraduate library. And across the plaza, the Martin Luther King Jr student union flanks a main entrance to the campus.

That history drew some of these students to this university and it’s helped inspire some of the actions they are taking now – even if the outcome remains unclear.

In recent days, college administrations across the US have called on law enforcement to clear encampments on their grounds. There have been no such actions yet at UC Berkeley, but in the past the university has at times responded to protests with a heavy hand. When tents lined this plaza for Occupy Cal, a subset of the widespread Occupy Wall Street movement against vast American economic inequality, it was brutally raided by police.

For as long as activism has thrived at the school, so has pushback against it.

There is a load of irony in UC Berkeley branding itself now as the ‘free speech’ university since it was a movement against the university effort to shut down political organizing on campus,” UC Berkeley law professor Jonathan Simon said.

Black and white photo of group of students holding long banner (waist to sidewalk) that says Fight Imperialism and Racial Oppression from USA to USA,
UC Berkeley students demonstrate to end financial support for South Africa and Rhodesia. Photograph: Gamma-Keystone/Getty Images

As a law student at Berkeley in the 1980s, Simon was involved in the movement to end apartheid, with similar calls for university divestment from companies connected to South Africa. Students erected a symbolic shantytown on campus to showcase the impoverished conditions Black South Africans were subject to, inciting a fierce response from police. Simon was among the first of hundreds who were arrested, an experience he said was incredibly frightening.

But in the end, the University of California system acquiesced, divesting more than $3bn from companies in business with the apartheid government. The hard-fought successes of that movement seeded the one alive today, in support of Palestinians. Still, Simon said there are key differences.

“We are in a very different place with Israel and Palestine and the timing is probably not going to be similar,” he said, noting that apartheid leaders were already looking for exit ramps when students’ actions ramped up attention on the issue. “If there is a future for peaceful resolution in Palestine, it’s a long way off,” he added.

Orange, blue, green and gray tent tops among trees.
Tents have filled the plaza outside Sproul Hall at UC Berkeley in recent days. Photograph: Michael Ho Wai Lee/Sopa Images/Rex/Shutterstock

But actions taken against the violence in Gaza have also garnered far more passionate support – and criticism – and inflamed tensions heavily tied to identity and culture on campus and across the country.

While the protesters say they are backed by a diverse coalition and have worked to assuage fears felt by Jewish members of the campus community, some students and faculty have felt targeted. Some acts of protest have left the campus even more deeply divided – an issue the anti-apartheid demonstrators did not have to grapple with.

In February, a pro-Palestinian protest of an Israeli speaker brought to campus by self-identified Zionist groups turned violent and had to be rescheduled after a door was broken down and a window shattered. The school was heavily criticized for not better protecting the event and UC Berkeley is now one of six universities undergoing an antisemitism inquiry from the Republican-led House education committee, along with an investigation by the US Department of Education.

A man lies sprawled on his back inside a tent, with people walking by on a brick plaza visible through the tent flap.
A member of Berkeley Law Jews for Palestine near UC Berkeley’s Sproul Hall on 25 April 2024. Photograph: Jose Carlos Fajardo/AP

In April, a Palestinian American woman affiliated with the protest movement attempted to speak out at a dinner for students held at the home of the dean of the university’s law school, sparking a media firestorm examining the limits of free speech and death threats targeting those involved on both sides.

Simon, who is Jewish, says he understands the fears felt by Jewish and Israeli members of the community, along with the genuine heartbreak expressed in the pro-Palestinian movement at the atrocities committed against civilians in Gaza.

“A huge portion of these folks, including Jewish young people like my son, are protesting hard for Palestine in the name of human rights and a basic dignity that should be accorded to all people,” Simon said. “[The students] are acting within the institutional space that they have the most stake in right now. That is completely legitimate.”

While the Berkeley encampment itself is largely tied to the broader protest movement spreading across universities throughout the country, the students’ demands for the university to divest from companies tied to Israel and the war effort has been years in the making.

“It’s really powerful what’s happening here,” said Henry Norr, a 78-year-old Berkeley resident who was passing out Free Palestine stickers to observers idling near the protest on Tuesday. Norr, who is Jewish, dedicated his life to supporting the Palestinian cause after a trip to Gaza in the early aughts. He was fired from his job as a tech reporter for the San Francisco Chronicle in 2003 for demonstrating against the Iraq war, and has since spent the decades trying to spur public action alongside UC Berkeley Divest, a coalition of students, faculty, alumni and staff that has long called for the institution to end all financial ties to Israel and weapons manufacturers.

“In some ways I feel like it’s a vindication,” he said of the student movement that’s grown out of the years-long effort. These students have helped elevate the issue in a way that gives Norr hope that a change is coming.

Joseph Anderson, a lifelong activist and former Berkeley student who was involved in the anti-apartheid protests of the 1980s, has also watched proudly.

“This is the new anti-apartheid movement, for this generation,” he said. He also believes these protests will leave a lasting impact – like the cause he fought for decades before – even if it takes time. “Even two years before the fall of apartheid in South Africa, I don’t think most of the activists knew that just a few years from then Mandela would be walking out [of prison],” he said. “As we came closer to the end, the end kept accelerating.”

He is hopeful that the students will continue to carry the mantle for as long as it takes. “People in my generation are still active here,” he said of the long history of activism at UC Berkeley. Even after backlash that’s stretched through the years and through the movements, he believes in the resolve he’s seen in the student protesters of today. Even as threats mount, he said, “they’ll just come back stronger.”

Dan Mogulof, a spokesperson for the university, said officials are not entertaining the idea of changing their investment strategy and are not commenting on whether the other protest demands will be met. Instead, he said, UC Berkeley has taken steps to fund “programs and initiatives that would help change the culture on campus”, investing $700,000 on proposals that promote civil discourse.

Mogulof took issue with the characterization that this protest parallels the previous ones staged on the steps of Sproul Hall.

“These protests and these days are very different from days past,” Mogulof said. “It is not the students united against the administration, as was the case in the early days with the free speech movement. It’s not the students united in opposition to a war or to apartheid – we now have student-on-student, faculty-member-on-faculty-member [aggression].”

The tensions, he added, rooted in religion, ethnicity, nationality and identity, have amplified strong emotions and divisions in a way that imperils dialogue – the lifeblood of a school and community that claims it is dedicated to open expression. “We are built for a world that’s painted in shades of gray – not black and white.”

Mogulof also stressed a different vision of Berkeley’s activist legacy, framing the historical events as evidence of the institution’s support of discourse and diversity of perspective. “The university has to be politically neutral,” he said. “Our most essential value is that every student – regardless of who they are and what they believe in – should feel safe, respected and welcome at all times in all places at the university.”

While other demonstrations, including those at USC and Columbia, have resulted in brutal crackdowns by campus police, Berkeley’s protest has continued peacefully. But Mogulof added the school is ready to step in should campus life be disrupted by the demonstrations during the last three weeks of the semester.

“We are keeping a careful watch,” Mogulof added, saying that lines of communication with the protesters are also being kept open. “We will do whatever we can so that teaching, learning, and research continue at UC Berkeley unimpeded and uninterrupted.”

The student protesters for their part are willing to see it through. They are hopeful the school continues to support them. “So far it seems this conflict is so ridden with tone-deafness,” Kashlan said, commenting on UC Berkeley’s history of grassroots activism and how differently today’s protesters feel their cause has been treated. He added that the group has worked hard to “address any threats or fear that our Jewish classmates may feel”.

“The university is showing us they don’t see things the way half the world sees them,” he added. “We are not sure where that may go in terms of talks with the school but we will be here until our demands are met.”

A new generation at UC Berkeley pitches its tents | California | The Guardian