Contact Me By Email

Contact Me By Email

Wednesday, April 29, 2026

Opinion | The Supreme Court Should Stop ICE From Racially Profiling - The New York Times

White Drivers Got a Warning. Latino Drivers Got Detained.


"What Body Cam Footage Reveals About ICE’s Tactics
New body camera footage from Nashville reveals a disturbing pattern of ICE and state troopers using minor traffic stops to target Black and brown drivers.

By The Editorial Board

The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom.

Many Latinos have begun carrying ID with them at all times. But as Juanita Avila and Javier Ramirez will tell you, sometimes it doesn’t matter. ICE stopped them — seemingly on the basis of their skin color — and shoved them to the ground without offering them a chance to show ID.

Times Opinion gained access to a rare glimpse of ICE on patrol, reviewing 50 hours of body camera footage from a single night in Nashville. An investigation led by Lighthouse Reports first made the footage public.

The footage reveals a pattern of overt racial profiling that’s been approved by an unusual source: the Supreme Court. The court has effectively banned the consideration of race in college admissions and many other parts of American life, but last year it gave ICE a green light to stop people based on their appearance or accent. This video shows the alarming results.

The editorial board is a group of opinion journalists whose views are informed by expertise, research, debate and certain longstanding values. It is separate from the newsroom."

Opinion | The Supreme Court Should Stop ICE From Racially Profiling - The New York Times

Key Moments in the Life of the Voting Rights Act - The New York Times

Key Moments in the Life of the Voting Rights Act

Footage from key moments in the history of the Voting Rights Act.

Why Is There a Voting Rights Act? A Timeline

"The Voting Rights Act, among the most consequential pieces of U.S. civil rights legislation, was signed into law in August 1965. It came nearly a century after the 15th Amendment outlawed racial discrimination in voting in 1870.

Despite the amendment, Black Americans had continued to face barriers to one of the nation’s most fundamental rights even after ratification, including violence and intimidation, poll taxes and literacy tests. For many decades before the federal law was passed, activists marched, protested and organized voter registration campaigns. Some were brutally beaten or murdered.

The act required some state and local governments, mostly in the South, to get federal approval before changing their voting laws. It also prohibited election or voting practices that discriminate based on race, which eventually led some states to draw new congressional maps with districts that have a majority of Black voters.

In recent years, the Supreme Court has chipped away at the federal law and its enforcement tools. On Wednesday, the court, which has had a conservative majority, dealt another blow to the historic legislation by throwing out Louisiana’s latest congressional map as an illegal racial gerrymander.

Here’s a look at some events that led to and followed the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

MAY TO DECEMBER 1961

The Freedom Rides challenge segregation in public transportation across the South.

Footage of a bus used in the Freedom Rides traveling between Montgomery, Ala., and Jackson, Miss., in May 1961.Reuters

The Freedom Rides of 1961 nonviolent strategy aimed to test whether state and local governments were complying with two Supreme Court rulings. One declared that enforcing segregated seating on interstate buses was unconstitutional. The other found that segregated lunch counters, bathrooms and waiting rooms in bus terminals were unconstitutional.

The first Freedom Riders included 13 men and women, both Black and white, who traveled and sat together on interstate buses. The group included 21-year-old John Lewis, who would go on to serve in the U.S. House of Representatives for more than 30 years.

The group planned to ride from Washington to New Orleans on two buses in May 1961. But during multiple stops, they were attacked and beaten and one of the buses was firebombed. The violence forced the Freedom Riders to finish their trip to New Orleans by plane.

A few Black people participating in the Freedom Rides get off a bus as white people standing outside look at them from behind.
In May 1961.Daily Express/Hulton Archive, via Getty Images

More than 400 volunteers participated in the rides, including Doratha Smith-Simmons, known as Dodie, now 82. As an 18-year-old, she rode a bus to a Greyhound station in McComb, Miss., where her group was attacked by a white mob. Ms. Smith-Simmons said recently that while the episode had been terrifying, she “was willing to die for the cause.”

Sign up for the Race/Related Newsletter  Join a deep and provocative exploration of race, identity and society with New York Times journalists.

Collectively, the rides — and the violent pushback from their opposition — helped expose the oppression of Jim Crow laws. They gained national attention and pushed the federal government to enforce desegregation laws.

June to August 1964

Freedom Summer helps register voters in Mississippi.

Freedom Summer was a 1964 campaign led by the Council of Federated Organizations, a coalition of civil rights groups, to register Black voters in Mississippi. More than 700 college students, mostly white and from Northern states, worked with local Black community members over 10 weeks to register voters.

The volunteers distributed registration information, assisted in filling out forms and escorted residents to the courthouses. It was not without risk: Some were beaten and arrested, and their cars were firebombed. Three voting rights activists — Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney — were abducted and murdered outside Philadelphia, Miss.

Of the estimated 17,000 African Americans who tried to register to vote that summer, according to the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, only 1,600 applications were accepted. That low number served as evidence of the state’s exclusion of Black voters.

FEBRUARY 1965

A Voting Rights Activist was killed in Alabama.

Jimmie Lee Jackson, a 26-year-old Black farmer, was shot by a white Alabama state trooper while participating in a voting rights march in Marion, Ala. His death spurred, in part, the major civil rights march from Selma to Montgomery. At the time, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was leading a campaign in Alabama to fight for voter rights.

A short excerpt of an interview with the Rev. Dr. King in February 1965 as part of his campaign to push for voter registration and rights.ITN, via Getty Images

March 7, 1965

The Bloody Sunday march in Selma becomes a catalyst for voting rights.

Video footage of Bloody Sunday, the mass march of about 600 activists protesting the denial of voting rights in Selma, Ala., where Alabama state troopers and sheriff’s deputies wielded billy clubs, bullwhips and tear gas against protesters.Associated Press Television

What would become known as Bloody Sunday began as a march of about 600 activists in Selma, Ala., protesting the denial of voting rights and the killing of Mr. Jackson. The march was led by Mr. Lewis, who by then was chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, and the Rev. Hosea Williams of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference.

As the group crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge, they were met by Alabama state troopers and sheriff’s deputies wielding billy clubs, bullwhips and tear gas.

Mr. Lewis was beaten and his skull was fractured.

“My legs went out from under me,” he recounted in a 2012 Democracy NOW! interview. “I felt like I was going to die.”

The viciousness of the assault, captured in photos and footage, shocked the national consciousness and built support for the Voting Rights Act.

March 15, 1965

President Lyndon B. Johnson delivers a historic speech, asking Congress to act.

President Lyndon B. Johnson makes a speech to Congress in 1965, urging them to pass the Voting Rights Act.Associated Press

Just after Bloody Sunday, President Lyndon B. Johnson made his powerful “We Shall Overcome” speech to Congress. The televised address was watched by 70 million Americans, according to the White House Historical Association. Mr. Johnson argued that ensuring the right to vote was a fundamental principle of the American promise. He urged Congress to act immediately.

Aug. 6, 1965

The Voting Rights Act is signed into law.

Mr. Johnson signing the Voting Rights Act into law.Associated Press

Flanked by senior congressional leaders and leaders of the civil rights movement, Mr. Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law days after the House and the Senate approved the measure.

“Today is a triumph for freedom as huge as any victory that has ever been won on any battlefield,” he said at a signing ceremony on Capitol Hill.

The Justice Department quickly started enforcing the legislation, suing over poll taxes in Mississippi, Alabama, Texas and Virginia.

Nov. 7, 1972

The first Black lawmakers are elected to Congress from the South since Reconstruction.

Andrew Young appears smiling, with a sign that says "Think Young Andrew Young for Congress"Barbara Jordan, smiling and looking off camera, appears in front of a sign saying "Headquarters Barbara Jordan for U.S. Congress"
Andrew Young, left, an aide to the Rev. Dr. King, was elected to a Georgia seat that included metro Atlanta. Barbara Jordan, a former state senator, was elected to a Houston-area seat. Left: Associated Press; Right: Tom Colburn, Houston Chronicle/Associated Press

The first Black lawmaker was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1870. But most Black Americans who have served in Congress were elected after the Voting Rights Act, though not all of those representatives were from states directly affected by the act.

The first two Black Southerners to win House seats after the law passed — in fact, since the late 1800s — both won after their districts were redrawn to follow the law.

Barbara Jordan, a former state senator, was elected to a Houston-area seat. Andrew Young, an aide to the Rev. Dr. King, was elected to a Georgia seat that included metro Atlanta. Both ran as Democrats.

Black members of the U.S. House of Representatives

Number of Black representatives in office by election cycle

Voting Rights Act signed

1965

10

20

30

40

50

60

Newly elected

Already in office

1870

1900

’20

’40

’60

’80

2000

’20

1993-2013

Several civil rights leaders take office after winning in majority-minority House districts.

Jim Clyburn, wearing glasses and a suit and tie, looks off camera.Bobby Scott, wearing glasses and a suit and tie, looks over his shoulder at the camera.
Representative Jim Clyburn of South Carolina, left, who would serve as the No. 3 Democrat between 2007 and 2023, and Representative Bobby Scott of Virginia, who remains the top Democrat on the House Education Committee, both took office in January 1993.Left: Maureen Keating/Associated Press; Right: Karin Cooper/Getty Images; 

Legal challenges under the Voting Rights Act were reshaping congressional maps across the South. New maps helped several civil rights leaders successfully run for office.

Representatives Jim Clyburn of South Carolina, who would serve as the No. 3 Democrat in the House between 2007 and 2023, and Bobby Scott of Virginia, who remains the top Democrat on the House Education Committee, both took office in January 1993.

That year, Bennie Thompson, now the top Democrat on the Homeland Security Committee, won a special election to represent a Mississippi district that includes the state capital and much of the Mississippi Delta.

June 25, 2013

The Supreme Court strikes down the core of the act with the Shelby v. Holder decision.

In 2013, the Supreme Court ruled that nine states, as well as some counties and municipalities elsewhere in the country, no longer had to receive federal approval to change their election laws. 

The ruling effectively struck down the heart of the Voting Rights Act. The court split along ideological lines, with the conservative majority essentially finding that federal oversight was no longer needed.

“Our country has changed,” Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. wrote for the majority. “While any racial discrimination in voting is too much, Congress must ensure that the legislation it passes to remedy that problem speaks to current conditions.”

2023-2024

Alabama and Louisiana redraw their congressional maps, as court fights continue over redistricting.

Without federal enforcement, states could redraw their congressional maps in ways that diluted the voting power of Black and other minority residents. When a case challenging a new map in Alabama reached the Supreme Court in 2022, some legal experts expected the conservative majority to strike down what remained of the Voting Rights Act.

But the court rejected Alabama’s map, which included only one majority Black congressional district in a state where Black residents made up about 26 percent of the voting-age population.

That ruling led to a new map not just in Alabama, but in Louisiana, where a similar challenge was unfolding. Under the new maps, each state had two districts where a majority of voters were Black.

And in 2024, Alabama and Louisiana each sent two Black representatives to Congress.

2024

A group of voters challenge Louisiana’s congressional map before the Supreme Court.

Unlike Alabama, where a federal court oversaw the drawing of the new map, Louisiana lawmakers sought to draw their own.

A new map prompted a challenge from a small group of white voters in Louisiana, who argued that the state legislators had discriminated against them by impermissibly taking race into account when they drafted the new map. The Supreme Court heard arguments that fall in the case, Louisiana v. Callais.

Oct. 15, 2025

The Supreme Court again hears Louisiana v. Callais, focusing on the question of using race in redistricting.

Having delayed a clear ruling in Louisiana v. Callais earlier in 2025, the Supreme Court again heard arguments over the state’s new congressional map.

This time, the court focused on whether Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act was unconstitutional because it used race as a factor in redistricting.

On Wednesday, the Supreme Court ruled 6 to 3 on the case, effectively dealing another blow to the Voting Rights Act.

Audra D. S. Burch is a national reporter, based in South Florida and Atlanta, writing about race and identity around the country.

Emily Cochrane is a national reporter for The Times covering the American South, based in Nashville."

Key Moments in the Life of the Voting Rights Act - The New York Times

Live Updates: Supreme Court Strikes Down Louisiana Map in Voting Rights Case - The New York Times

Live Updates: Supreme Court Further Weakens Voting Rights Act

"The court’s conservative majority said they had upheld the landmark law, as liberal justices accused them of gutting it. In striking down a Louisiana voting map as a racial gerrymander, the court opened the door for other states to redraw their maps.

A view of the Supreme Court’s facade against a blue sky.
A series of rulings by the justices has weakened the Voting Rights Act of 1965.Credit...Eric Lee for The New York Times
Pinned
Abbie VanSickle

Supreme Court reporter

Here’s the latest. 

The Supreme Court on Wednesday struck down Louisiana’s voting map, finding that lawmakers had illegally used race when drawing up a new majority-Black district. 

The decision was 6-to-3, split along ideological lines. The conservative majority asserted that the opinion was a limited ruling that preserved a central tenet of the Voting Rights Act, but the court’s liberal wing, in dissent, argued that the justices had taken the final step to dismantle the landmark civil rights law. 

In the majority opinion, Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. wrote that the court had kept intact the Voting Rights Act but that Louisiana’s new majority-minority district violated the equal protection clause of the Constitution. 

For decades, lawmakers have crafted congressional districts with a focus on ensuring that minority voters had the opportunity to elect candidates of their choice, often working to create majority-minority districts as they labored under scrutiny from federal courts that guaranteed the rights of minorities because of the Voting Rights Act.

Justice Alito wrote that the justices were updating the 40-year-old framework that courts look to for evaluating the use of race in drawing up congressional districts, essentially saying that the Voting Rights Act only prevents lawmakers from drawing maps that would intentionally limit the power of minority voters.

To successfully challenge district maps under the Voting Rights Act now, Justice Alito wrote, challengers will need to show proof a state “intentionally drew its districts to afford minority voters less opportunity because of their race.” A legal challenge that “cannot disentangle race from the state’s race-neutral considerations, including politics,” will fail. 

Justice Alito added that the new framework “reflects important developments” since the court laid out factors for evaluating the use of race in voting maps in 1986. He cited increased voter registration and turnout by minorities, writing that “the racial gap in voter registration and turnout” had “largely disappeared.” 

Justice Elena Kagan, in dissent, countered that the practical effect of the decision would be to make it nearly impossible to use race when drawing up voting maps, writing that “the court’s decision will set back the foundational right Congress granted of racial equality in electoral opportunity.” 

Justice Kagan read her dissent from the bench, a rare move that often signals a justice’s strong displeasure with a decision.

It is unclear how the decision will impact the midterm elections amid the nationwide redistricting battle that has spiraled already into multiple states.

Coming in the middle of the primary calendar, there were still multiple states that could draw new maps, citing today’s decision. Republicans in Florida moved swiftly after the announcement. The state’s House approving a new map on Wednesday morning. Louisiana will likely lose one Democratic district when it finalizes a new map.

Any map that eliminated majority-minority districts and was drawn in the wake of the ruling would likely be challenged in court — potentially prompting a new wave of litigation.

Representative Troy Carter of Louisiana, a Democrat, condemned the ruling. 

“It sends a dangerous signal that the progress we have made can be undone under the guise of legal theory,” Mr. Carter said in a statement. “The Voting Rights Act is not a relic. It is a living promise, a commitment that our democracy belongs to everyone.”

Wednesday’s decision marks the latest in a series of rulings by the justices to weaken the Voting Rights Act of 1965, often considered the crown jewel of the civil rights-era laws.

The case, Louisiana v. Callais, arose from a dispute over a new voting map drafted by Louisiana lawmakers after the 2020 census. Before then, only one of the state’s six congressional districts was majority Black, even though Black Louisianans made up about a third of the state’s population.

Two groups of Black voters sued in 2022, after state lawmakers adopted a new map that still included only one majority-Black district. They argued Louisiana had violated the Voting Rights Act by packing Black voters into one district, which had the effect of diluting the power of their votes. A federal judge agreed.

In 2024, state lawmakers tried again, this time adopting a map that included a second majority-Black district. A group of white Louisiana voters then challenged that map, claiming it was an illegal racial gerrymander. They pointed to the boundaries of the new district, which snakes diagonally across the state from the southeast to the northwest.

Lawmakers initially defended the map, arguing that the odd shape was the result of politics, not race. They said that lawmakers created the second district’s area to protect high-profile politicians, including House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican. The court has said it is acceptable to draw maps motivated by partisan advantage.

The Supreme Court first heard the challenge to the Louisiana map in spring 2025, considering whether state lawmakers had properly balanced race and political considerations. But in June, rather than announce a decision, the justices said they would rehear it in the fall. In August, the justices announced they were expanding the case, asking the lawyers to prepare for an argument on a much broader question than they had originally considered: Whether the state’s creation of a second majority-minority district violated the Constitution.

That announcement raised alarms among proponents of the Voting Rights Act, who feared that the court’s conservative majority — long skeptical of the legislation — would use the case to deal a fatal blow to the law and rule its provision requiring lawmakers to consider race was unconstitutional.

Just two years ago, the justices heard a similar dispute over Alabama’s congressional map and cited the Voting Rights Act without finding it unconstitutional. In that case, Allen v. Milligan, the Supreme Court ruled that the state’s Republican supermajority illegally diluted the power of Black voters in violation of the Voting Rights Act.

But in that case, Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh wrote in a concurring opinion that he wondered whether there should be a time limit on the ability of states to “conduct race-based redistricting,” writing that it could not “extend indefinitely into the future.”

During the oral arguments in the Louisiana case, Justice Kavanaugh and several other conservative justices appeared to question whether there should be a sunset to taking race into account in drawing voting maps.

“What exactly do you think the end point should be, or how would we know, for the intentional use of race to create districts?” Justice Kavanaugh had asked a lawyer for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, who argued to uphold the Voting Rights Act.

Nick Corasaniti and Rick Rojas contributed reporting."

Live Updates: Supreme Court Strikes Down Louisiana Map in Voting Rights Case - The New York Times