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Showing posts with label Voting Rights Act. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Voting Rights Act. Show all posts

Monday, January 17, 2011

From MLK to Obama: How we define black leadership

From MLK to Obama: How we define black leadership

By Melissa Harris-Perry

In anticipation of the Martin Luther King, Jr. holiday, I began meeting, discussing, and planning with theGrio team nearly six months ago. Our goal was to honor the legacy of Dr. King by examining both historic and contemporary African-American leadership. We knew that producing a list of the most influential, groundbreaking, creative, and impactful black leaders in American history would be both difficult and controversial; therefore, rather than relying on the editorial judgments of just a few people, we chose to tap into the expertise of more than two dozen African-American historians, artists, and political leaders.
In our first meeting we wondered aloud who would make the top ten. Surely Dr. King would appear, but in what position? Would someone outrank King on his own holiday? Would our panel chose only the names of the best known leaders or would their expertise lead them to assess less famous individuals are more important than is typically recognized. Would President Obama make the list or would his embattled presidency and brief tenure on the national scene cause our experts to hesitate in choosing him?
All of these questions are answered by the expert panel's decisions in theGrio's top 25 African-American leaders. You can read the full report and learn more about both the expert panel and the leaders they chose by clicking here.

This project led to many interesting outcomes, but for me, the most fascinating, puzzling, and potentially controversial is the pair who top the list: Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. and President Barack Obama.
Both men are brilliant orators, both had a unique ability to capture the American political imagination, both were tremendous authors, both are deeply introspective and both endured harsh criticism. But there are stunning differences between these men. Dr. King led an interracial social movement, but his efforts were primarily focused on organizing African-American communities for action. Constrained by the realities of his time, King never competed for or held elected office. He worked closely with elected leaders, but his extraordinary achievements were the result of pressure tactics applied from outside the political system, not embedded within it.
Alternately, President Obama is the elected leader of a racially diverse nation where African-Americans still constitute less than 15 percent of the population. Though he has some personal experience with community organizing, his achievements are wrought within the context of government and constrained by the realities of partisan politics. Both were awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace, but King was the prophetic voice speaking against the war in Vietnam while Obama is the commander-in-chief trying to lead a nation still mired in two wars.
The close proximity of Dr. King and President Obama at the top of the list makes me wonder how we judge leadership and to ask what these two men share that lead our experts to evaluate both so highly. I believe that one reason Dr. King and President Obama share top billing is because they both insist that means are as important as ends in our efforts to achieve freedom, equality, and a more racially just America.
Popular imagination sometimes recalls the civil rights movement of the 1960s as if it were a period of uncontested embrace of King's leadership, the goals of desegregation, and the tactics of non-violent direct resistance. These are false memories. During his life Dr. King was derided, criticized, and challenged, in part, because of his unwavering commitment to non-violence. These criticisms became increasingly harsh beginning in 1966 when Dr. King turned his attention to economic issues and anti-war efforts. Within a matter of months civil rights demonstrators led by King were brutally attacked in Chicago. School children were savagely beaten by an angry mob of white adults in Grenada, Mississippi.
A leading minister in the movement was found bludgeoned to death in Ohio. Acts of racial violence and murder had long marked the movement, but many had grown weary of absorbing such violence without returning it. The 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act appeared inconsequential in stemming the continuing danger faced by protesters. Many openly castigated King for his continuing insistence on non-violence.
Discontent mounted among those who said America would never change until black Americans fought back. Despite all of his accomplishments, some called King a coward, unwilling to defend himself or his community.
Yet despite the reprisals and criticisms King held firm that the movement could only achieve its goals if its means were as noble as its ends. Legislative action and economic empowerment would mean nothing, he suggested, if America ripped itself apart with violence.

Friday, December 31, 2010

Reagan’s Revolution: Stoking White Racism


A Time for Change

Things do not happen. Things are made to happen. – JFK
lyndon-johnson-with-civil-rights-leaders

Revolution: Stoking White Racism


LBJ signed the Civil Rights Act in 1964
LBJ signed the Voting Rights Act in 1965

fbi-3-murders
3 Civil Rights workers who were murdered in Neshoba County on June 21, 1964

reagan_neshobafair
Ronald Reagan made his first speech as a presidential candidate in Neshoba County
CNN has a post about LBJ and Reagan “loyalists” clashing over the “Obama agenda.”  


The article is essentially about the competing viewpoints about the economic 
legacy of LBJ and Ronald Reagan. One signed into legislation the Civil Rights Act of 1964
and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which changed life in the South as the old guard knew it.  
Those acts made Barack Obama’s candidacy an eventual possibility.  
Having been a Southern legislator, LBJ knew Republicans would benefit from the angry 
Southern backlash.  LBJ told Bill Moyers, “We’ve lost the South for a generation”  
after signing the Voting Rights Act in 1965.

It was Reagan’s intention to undo the Great Society.  He spoke in code and used dog 
whistle politics to speak to those who were unhappy with the civil rights and voting rights 
laws that had been passed. In 1980, Reagan spoke at the Neshoba County fair, which was 
his the first time he spoke after receiving the Republican nomination.  At that time, 
Neshoba was infamous for the murders of the three boys above by members of the
 Ku Klux Klan who were in Mississippi to try to encourage African Americans to vote.  
In an Op-Ed opinion in the New York Times, Bob Herbert explained the true significance 
of Reagan’s actions:
"It was a dangerous mission, and Andrew’s parents were reluctant to let him go. But the 
family had always believed strongly in equal rights and the benefits of social activism. 
“I didn’t have the right,” Dr. Goodman would tell me many years later, “to tell him 
not to go.”
After a brief stopover in Ohio, Andrew traveled to the town of Philadelphia in Neshoba
 County, Mississippi, a vicious white-supremacist stronghold. Just days earlier,
 members of the Ku Klux Klan had firebombed a black church in the county and had 
beaten terrified worshipers.
Andrew would not survive very long. On June 21, one day after his arrival, he and 
fellow activists Michael Schwerner and James Chaney disappeared. Their bodies 
wouldn’t be found until August. All had been murdered, shot to death by whites enraged
 at the very idea of people trying to secure the rights of African-Americans.
The murders were among the most notorious in American history. They constituted Neshoba
 County’s primary claim to fame when Reagan won the Republican Party’s nomination for 
president in 1980. The case was still a festering sore at that time. Some of the conspirators 
were still being protected by the local community. And white supremacy was still the order 
of the day.
That was the atmosphere and that was the place that Reagan chose as the first stop in his 
general election campaign. The campaign debuted at the Neshoba County Fair in front of 
a white and, at times, raucous crowd of perhaps 10,000, chanting: “We want Reagan! We 
want Reagan!”
Reagan was the first presidential candidate ever to appear at the fair, and he knew exactly 
what he was doing when he told that crowd, “I believe in states’ rights.”
***
Everybody watching the 1980 campaign knew what Reagan was signaling at the fair. 
Whites and blacks, Democrats and Republicans — they all knew. The news media knew. 
The race haters and the people appalled by racial hatred knew. And Reagan knew.
He was tapping out the code. It was understood that when politicians started chirping about 
“states’ rights” to white people in places like Neshoba County they were saying that when 
it comes down to you and the blacks, we’re with you.
And Reagan meant it…
***
Throughout his career, Reagan was wrong, insensitive and mean-spirited on civil rights and 
other issues important to black people. There is no way for the scribes of today to clean up 
that dismal record.
To see Reagan’s appearance at the Neshoba County Fair in its proper context, it has to be 
placed between the murders of the civil rights workers that preceded it and the 
acknowledgment by the Republican strategist Lee Atwater that the use of code words 
like “states’ rights” in place of blatantly bigoted rhetoric was crucial to the success of 
the G.O.P.’s Southern strategy. That acknowledgment came in the very first year of the 
Reagan presidency.
Ronald Reagan was an absolute master at the use of symbolism. It was one of the primary 
keys to his political success.
You can hear the videotape of Reagan’s Neshoba County Fair speech here.  An unlikely 
first stop for the Presidential nominee, unless you are intent on making a statement.
Nobel prize winning economist Paul Krugman connected the dots on Reagan’s exploitation 
of the white backlash against the civil rights movement and “the rise of the conservative 
movement.” Krugman argues that voting data corroborates that non-Southern whites never 
turned against the Democratic party; rather, the only shift was the formerly Democratic 
white southerners.
…everyone knows that white men have turned away from the Democrats over God,
 guns, national security and so on. But what everyone knows isn’t true once you exclude 
the South from the picture. As the political scientist Larry Bartels points out, in the 1952 
presidential election 40 percent of non-Southern white men voted Democratic; in 2004, 
that figure was virtually unchanged, at 39 percent.
More than 40 years have passed since the Voting Rights Act, which Reagan described in 1980
 as “humiliating to the South.” Yet Southern white voting behavior remains distinctive. 
Democrats decisively won the popular vote in last year’s House elections, but 
Southern whites voted Republican by almost two to one.
So this seismic shift that the Republicans / conservatives / right wingnuts talk about from 
the Democratic party to the GOP really only occurred in the South.  Reagan used Nixon’s 
model of “constructing a politics and a strategy of governing that attacked policies targeted 
toward blacks and other minorities without reference to race — a conservative politics that 
had the effect of polarizing the electorate along racial lines.”
According to Krugman, this was an intentional strategy based on a concession that the GOP 
had not had much luck winning the African American vote. “The G.O.P.’s own leaders admit 
that the great Southern white shift was the result of a deliberate political strategy. ‘Some 
Republicans gave up on winning the African-American vote, looking the other way or trying 
to benefit politically from racial polarization.’ So declared Ken Mehlman, the former chairman 
of the Republican National Committee, speaking in 2005.”  Ronald Reagan used it, exploited 
and benefited from it.  Some examples of Regan’s exploitation of racism:
He was opposed to the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, which was the same year that 
Goodman, Schwerner and Chaney were slaughtered. As president, he actually tried to 
weaken the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
He opposed a national holiday for the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., giving in only when 
Congress passed a law creating the holiday by a veto-proof majority
He tried to get rid of the federal ban on tax exemptions for private schools that practiced 
racial discrimination.
in 1988, he vetoed a bill to expand the reach of federal civil rights legislation. Congress 
overrode the veto.
Reagan also vetoed the imposition of sanctions on the apartheid regime in South Africa. 
Congress overrode that veto, too.
When he went on about the welfare queen driving her Cadillac, and kept repeating the 
story years after it had been debunked, some people thought he was engaging in race-baiting.
in 1976, he talked about working people angry about the “strapping young buck” using food 
stamps to buy T-bone steaks at the grocery store, he didn’t mean to play into racial hostility. 
True, as The New York Times reported, the ex-Governor has used the grocery-line illustration 
before, but in states like New Hampshire where there is scant black population, he has never 
used the expression “young buck,” which, to whites in the South, generally denotes a large 
black man.
Reagan declared in 1980 that the Voting Rights Act had been “humiliating to the South”
In 1982, when Reagan intervened on the side of Bob Jones University, which was on the 
verge of losing its tax-exempt status because of its ban on interracial dating in 1983, Reagan 
fired three members of the Civil Rights Commission.
The upside to all of this ugliness is as relevant today as it was on the day that Krugmen 
wrote his article.  He argued that Reagan’s support for “states rights” was “a coded declaration 
of support for segregationist sentiments.”  Krugman argues that a permanent conservative 
majority will never be maintained because as “we have become a more diverse and less racist 
country over time. The “macaca” incident, in which Senator George Allen’s use of a 
racial insult led to his election defeat, epitomized the way in which America has changed for 
the better.”  The direct link between the conservative movement and racial backlash has been 
undermined by what Barack Obama discussed in his inauguration speech– that seismic shift 
in politics that is directly linked to the declining power of that racial backlash.
So when you saw “the base” showing up at Sarah Palin rallies last year where her supporters 
where blatantly and openly racist, that’s no surprise.  They are the people who watch Faux 
News (Fox News) psycho-tainment, listen to Rush, love Bill O’Reilly, think Hannity 
is a “great American,” and love Sarah Palin because she speaks the code of Nixon and 
Reagan.
“We believe that the best of America is not all in Washington, D.C. … We believe that the best 
of America is in these small towns that we get to visit, and in these wonderful little pockets of 
what I call the real America, being here with all of you hard working very patriotic, um, very, 
um, pro-America areas of this great nation.” –Sarah Palin, speaking at a fundraiser in 
Greensoboro, N.C., Oct. 16, 2008
No wonder her supporters say that she is the second coming of Reagan.  She doesn’t have his 
skills, but she exploits the ugly racial backlash just the way he did.  They are shrinking, but 
the work is not done.  Clearly.