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Thursday, October 29, 2020

Trump and Brett Kavanaugh Telegraph Their Plan to Steal the Election: A ...

Unrest in Philadelphia after police kill a Black man roils the presidential campaign

Unrest in Philadelphia after police kill a Black man roils the presidential campaign

“The deadly police shooting of a Black man in Philadelphia has roiled the presidential campaign in a key battleground state just days before the election, igniting tensions over race, violence and law enforcement that pose political challenges for Joe Biden and President Trump.

Trump has seized on riots and looting that erupted in the aftermath of Monday’s shooting in an effort to portray Biden as soft on crime, while selling himself as the “law and order” candidate. “You can’t have chaos like that — and he’ll be very, very weak,” Trump predicted Wednesday of the Democratic nominee.

Biden has pushed back on those attacks, saying repeatedly that he does not condone looting and has no tolerance for violence against police. He also expressed outrage at the killing of Walter Wallace Jr., condemning in strong terms “another Black life in America lost.” Trump on Wednesday called the shooting a “terrible event” and said the federal government is looking into it. Philadelphia was under a curfew Wednesday night.

Biden’s remarks highlight the fragile balance he is trying to strike as he aims to secure victory in Pennsylvania, an important state Trump won four years ago but where he now trails Biden narrowly, polls show.

To secure victory, Biden is counting on strong support from the populous suburbs around Philadelphia. Those areas have swung sharply Democratic since 2016, but Trump believes he can win back some of his supporters with his law-and-order message.

“We are the swingiest of states,” said the Rev. Mark Tyler, a Biden supporter who has been out in Philadelphia amid the protests this week and worries the looting will overshadow Wallace’s death. “A lot of people are really feeling afraid that the narrative that comes out is one that reinforces the one that Trump has used all along in the suburbs.”

But Biden also needs high turnout among African Americans and other supporters in the city, where voters tend to be more liberal. And the former vice president’s emphasis on violent protesters has frustrated some, who say he should focus less on looting and more on racial justice.

“I think it could have been stronger,” said Helen Gym, a Democratic at-large member of the Philadelphia City Council, of Biden’s response.

The Rev. Al Sharpton, a close Biden ally, found a silver lining in what some saw as timidity on Biden’s part: “Even if he did not say all that we wanted, he was a hundred percent better than President Trump.”

Public polls taken after turmoil this summer but before the events in Philadelphia found swing-state voters trusting Biden more than Trump to deal with racism and, more narrowly, with maintaining “law and order,” showing the risks he assumed by leaning into the situation in Philadelphia.

Trump has frequently fanned racial divisions and, in June, authorities fired flash-bang shells, gas and rubber bullets into a crowd of peaceful protesters near the White House so the president could stage a photo op in front of a church.

The killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer sparked weeks of national protests this summer against systemic racism and police brutality. Biden has navigated this reckoning carefully, vowing to take on racism and embracing some law enforcement reforms.

But he has rejected calls on his party’s left wing to “defund the police,” a polarizing view Trump has eagerly run against. Biden has said he believes most police officers are good, as he seeks to fend off accusations that he is hostile to law enforcement.

On Wednesday, Biden once again tried to strike that balance. Asked by a reporter what he would say to residents outraged by the killing, he quickly brought up looting.

“There is no excuse whatsoever for the looting and the violence. None whatsoever,” said Biden, speaking after casting his ballot in Delaware. He cited Wallace’s father’s pleas to stop destroying the city.

Biden also said the county must “deal with how you diminish the prospect of lethal shooting in circumstances like the one we saw,” and said he would establish a commission to tackle that topic. 

At a campaign stop Wednesday, Sen. Kamala D. Harris (D-Calif.) told reporters that Biden’s proposal would bring renewed attention to the issue of police brutality. “It’s not another commission,” she said.

“Part of the reason that people are marching in the streets is that there has not been the level of attention, especially recently over the last few years, that is necessary from the president of the United States. And Joe’s committed to that,” she added.

Wallace, 27, was killed on a Philadelphia street Monday afternoon in an incident recorded on video. He was armed with a knife when he was shot and was advancing toward two officers who told him to drop the weapon. His mother witnessed the shooting, and his family said he suffered from mental illness and has questioned why lethal force was used.

Authorities have released few details about the shooting. City officials have launched an investigation.

Wallace’s death was followed by two nights of crowded demonstrations, most of which were peaceful. But police commissioner Danielle Outlaw said there were nearly 300 reported incidents of looting and 81 arrests made on Tuesday night, most for burglary. Thirty police officers were injured and 91 people were arrested overnight Monday amid looting and arson.

On Tuesday, Biden issued a written statement expressing “shock and grief” at Wallace’s killing and said his was a “black life that mattered.”

But that statement also urged the protesters to practice restraint.

“No amount of anger at the very real injustices in our society excuses violence. Attacking police officers and vandalizing small businesses, which are already struggling during a pandemic, does not bend the moral arc of the universe closer to justice,” said the statement, which he issued jointly with Harris. 

Officials took further steps to restore order to the city Wednesday. The state National Guard was authorized to intervene, and city officials enforced a 9 p.m. curfew. The city faced similar protests earlier this year in the wake of the killing of George Floyd.

Trump has aggressively sought to tether Biden to the situation on the ground. “Last night Philadelphia was torn up by Biden-supporting radicals,” Trump said Tuesday in Wisconsin, without presenting evidence.

Beyond Pennsylvania, some conservatives were eager to raise the issue. During a Wednesday swing through Iowa, where he campaigned with local Republican candidates, Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), a potential 2024 presidential hopeful, invoked the unrest in Philadelphia to argue that Democrats would not crack down on looting or rioting.

“You had a violent criminal wielding a knife, and police officers who defended themselves and innocent lives, and now dozens of police officers had been injured, stores have been looted,” Cotton told an audience in suburban Des Moines. “Imagine what would happen if Joe Biden and the Democrats are in charge of the Department of Justice,” he added, suggesting that Biden would go after law enforcement.“

Trump’s Closing Argument on Virus Clashes With Science, and Voters’ Lives

The president has continued to downplay the severity of the coronavirus and declare before largely maskless crowds that it is vanishing. The surge in new cases across the country says: Not so.

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President Trump during a campaign rally in Omaha on Tuesday. He has held multiple rallies each day in different states.
Credit...Doug Mills/The New York Times

As an immense new surge in coronavirus cases sweeps the country, President Trump is closing his re-election campaign by pleading with voters to ignore the evidence of a calamity unfolding before their eyes and trust his word that the disease is already disappearing as a threat to their personal health and economic well being.

The president has continued to declare before large and largely maskless crowds that the virus is vanishing, even as case counts soar, fatalities climb, the stock market dips and a fresh outbreak grips the staff of Vice President Mike Pence. Hopping from one state to the next, he has made a personal mantra out of declaring that the country is “rounding the corner.”

Mr. Trump has attacked Democratic governors and other local officials for keeping public-health restrictions in place, denouncing them as needless restraints on the economy. And venting self-pity, the president has been describing the pandemic as a political hindrance inflicted on him by a familiar adversary.

“With the fake news, everything is Covid, Covid, Covid, Covid,” Mr. Trump complained at a rally in Omaha on Tuesday, chiding the news media and pointing to his own recovery from the illness to downplay its gravity: “I had it. Here I am, right?”

Tuesday, October 27, 2020

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Opinion | The Trump administration’s covid-19 message: You’re on your own. Try not to die. - The Washington Post


President Trump at a rally in Lititz, Pa., on Monday.

There are many, many reasons Americans should vote Trump out of the White House, but perhaps the most urgent is his refusal — or perhaps his inability — to face the reality of covid-19. This election is literally a choice between life and death.

Why have we lost approximately 225,000 lives to covid-19, more than any other nation on Earth? Because the Trump administration never even considered taking the basic but difficult measures that could have strangled transmission of the virus during its infancy.

European nations such as Italy, France and Spain saw big initial spikes in infections and deaths but instituted comprehensive shutdowns that reduced transmission of the virus to levels low enough to allow reopening of businesses and schools. They are now responding to new infection spikes with targeted shutdowns. Germany, which has done much better than other Western countries, relied on tried-and-true public health strategies of testing, contact tracing and mask-wearing. I don't buy the argument that cultural differences would have made such measures impossible here. I don't believe most Americans are too stupid to understand the need to work together against a common threat.

Trump, however, is not most Americans.

One of the worst mistakes any leader can make during a crisis is to engage in magical thinking. But that is the only kind of thinking Trump has done about covid-19 — and the only kind he continues to do. From the beginning, he has looked for excuses not to believe what the nation's leading experts on infectious diseases have been telling him.

We know from Bob Woodward's book "Rage" that the president understood in early February that covid-19 was deadlier than even the most "strenuous" flu strains — yet he publicly cited yearly influenza death tolls to suggest the opposite. He touted hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malaria drug, as a miracle cure — even after studies proved it worthless and potentially harmful. He refused to regularly wear a mask, and he went out of his way to ridicule those, including Democratic candidate Joe Biden, who did.

Even worse, Trump sabotaged efforts by governors and mayors to control the virus with shutdowns and mask mandates. He made covid-19 denial an article of faith for his political base, encouraging the Republican governors of states such as Florida, Georgia and Texas to reopen their economies prematurely. The one thing Trump does brilliantly in politics is drive wedges, and he has hammered a massive one into the deadliest possible crack: between public health on one side and "freedom" on the other.

Trump's bombastically ignorant leadership on covid-19 has endangered the Americans his government ought to be protecting. Think about the big, reckless campaign rally he held last week at The Villages, a sprawling Florida retirement community, where most in the crowd did not wear masks. Given the high rate of infection in that state, it is flabbergasting that Trump would encourage his supporters to expose themselves in this way.

Many covid-19 survivors are chastened by the experience. Former New Jersey governor Chris Christie, for example, is now an advocate for mask-wearing, social distancing and general prudence. Trump's experience with the disease, by contrast, seems to have made him even more detached, touting"therapeutics and, frankly, cures" as he looks ahead to the possibility of a humiliating defeat next week.

And such a defeat is what he must be made to suffer. Our health and welfare depend on it.

Doctors know more about how to treat covid-19 patients now, so the death rate has come down somewhat. But the current rise in cases is so steep, and so widespread, that medical systems in the Upper Midwest are already under severe strain. Vaccines will not arrive in time to prevent the "dark winter" that Biden — and public health experts — see coming.

If Biden wins, his policies will aim to ensure that more of our friends, neighbors and family members survive to see the spring. We need, and must elect, a president who is genuinely pro-life."


Opinion | The Trump administration’s covid-19 message: You’re on your own. Try not to die. - The Washington Post

GOP former prosecutors blast Trump, endorse Biden - The Washington Post


"President Trump is joined at a White House news conference by Attorney General William P. Barr.

Twenty former U.S. attorneys — all of them Republicans — on Tuesday publicly called President Trump “a threat to the rule of law in our country,” and urged that he be replaced in November with his Democratic opponent, former vice president Joe Biden.

“The President has clearly conveyed that he expects his Justice Department appointees and prosecutors to serve his personal and political interests,” said the former prosecutors in an open letter. They accused Trump of taking “action against those who have stood up for the interests of justice.”

The letter, signed by prosecutors appointed by every GOP president from Eisenhower to Trump, is the latest instance of Republicans backing Biden. In August, dozens of GOP national security experts signed a full-page newspaper ad endorsing Biden over Trump.

“He has politicized the Justice Department, dictating its priorities along political lines and breaking down the barrier that prior administrations had maintained between political and prosecutorial decision-making,” their letter says.

The effort was organized initially by Ken Wainstein, a former U.S. attorney for Washington, D.C., who later served during the George W. Bush administration as assistant attorney general for national security.

Read the letter from Republican former U.S. attorneys

A spokesman for the Trump campaign dismissed the letter from the former prosecutors as arrogant and offensive, noting that it is Trump who has the support of police officers and their unions.

“No one should be surprised establishment elitists are supporting Joe Biden,” Hogan Gidley said. In an emailed statement, he noted that the signers did not speak out “when Joe Biden promised to redirect funds away from police. I noticed their worry for politics wasn’t voiced when Joe Biden’s DOJ claimed to be a ‘wingman’ for the Administration, and I must have missed their unease for disunity when Biden refused to condemn his supporters for burning down churches, destroying businesses, and physically assaulting innocent Americans in the streets.”

The letter is signed by former U.S. attorneys from Florida, Minnesota, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas and other states. One of the signers, Gregory Brower, a former U.S. attorney for Nevada, also served during the first years of the Trump administration as the FBI’s assistant director for congressional affairs.

“I had an up-close view of how the President and the White House dealt with the Justice Department in recent years,” he said in an interview. “It’s clear that President Trump views the Justice Department and the FBI as his own personal law firm and investigative agency,” Brower said. “He made that clear privately — and publicly.”

Brower and Wainstein said Trump has soiled the department’s prized attributes: independence and a commitment to equal justice under the law.

In criticizing the Trump Justice Department publicly, the signers effectively joined half a dozen or so career prosecutors who publicly protested what they have decried as politicized decision-making, including reducing a recommended prison sentence for Trump campaign adviser Roger Stone and seeking to dismiss the case against Trump’s first national security adviser, Michael Flynn.

“Although we were political appointees, it was expected that politics would play no role in the exercise of our prosecutorial discretion and that we would make decisions according to the facts and law and without regard to their political implications,” the letter says, adding that: “as the chief federal law enforcement officials in our districts, we were expected to work closely with state and local officials of all political affiliations.”

Trump, on the other hand, has “undermined the Department’s ability to unify and lead our nation’s law enforcement by picking political fights with state and local officials in a naked effort to demonize and blame them for the disturbances in our cities over the past several months,” the letter says.

A former two-time U.S. attorney in Minnesota, Tom Heffelfinger, a Republican fixture in the state, said that a series of actions led him to sign the letter, including the president’s treatment of women, his personal and political demands of the Justice Department, and his handling of the aftermath of George Floyd’s death while in Minneapolis police custody.

“He bad-mouthed the mayor, the governor, leaders who were trying to get things under control,” Heffelfinger said. “Trump was interfering, demoralizing local officials and dividing the country.”

This fall, the accumulated weight of the president’s conduct led Heffelfinger to decide to sign the letter circulated by Wainstein and speak out publicly.

“I can’t look at myself in the mirror, I can’t look my daughters in the face if I can’t do what I can to get rid of him,” said Heffelfinger.

If Biden wins, Brower said the Justice Department could see a quick recovery in morale and sense of purpose, but it will take longer to recover confidence from American citizens and U.S. allies overseas.

Wainstein said U.S. allies are unnerved by the administration’s decision to release previously classified information to Republican lawmakers about sources who provided information about Russia’s interference in the 2016 election.

“It has caught the attention of foreign partners in a way that makes them ask whether they can trust us going forward,” Wainstein said. Restoring confidence in those relationships, he said, may be Biden’s greatest early test if he is elected."

GOP former prosecutors blast Trump, endorse Biden - The Washington Post

Opinion | Amy Coney Barrett and the Republican Party's Supreme Court - The New York Times


"The quest to entrench political conservatism in the country’s highest court comes with a steep cost.
By The Editorial Board Oct. 26, 2020
What happened in the Senate chamber on Monday evening was, on its face, the playing out of a normal, well-established process of the American constitutional order: the confirmation of a president’s nominee to the Supreme Court.
But Senate Republicans, who represent a minority of the American people, are straining the legitimacy of the court by installing a deeply conservative jurist, Amy Coney Barrett, to a lifetime seat just days before an election that polls suggest could deal their party a major defeat.
As with President Trump’s two earlier nominees to the court, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, the details of Judge Barrett’s jurisprudence were less important than the fact that she had been anointed by the conservative activists at the Federalist Society. Along with hundreds of new lower-court judges installed in vacancies that Republicans refused to fill when Barack Obama was president, these three Supreme Court choices were part of the project to turn the courts from a counter-majoritarian shield that protects the rights of minorities to an anti-democratic sword to wield against popular progressive legislation like the Affordable Care Act.
The process also smacked of unseemly hypocrisy. Republicans raced to install Judge Barrett barely one week before a national election, in defiance of a principle they loudly insisted upon four years ago.
The elevation of Judge Barrett to be the nation’s 115th justice was preordained almost from the moment that Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died last month. When she takes her seat on the bench at One First Street, it will represent the culmination of a four-decade crusade by conservatives to fill the federal courts with reliably Republican judges who will serve for decades as a barricade against an ever more progressive nation.
This is not a wild conspiracy theory. Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader and one of the main architects of this crusade, gloated about it openly on Sunday, following a bare-majority vote to move Judge Barrett’s nomination to the Senate floor. “A lot of what we’ve done over the last four years will be undone sooner or later by the next election,” Mr. McConnell said. “They won’t be able to do much about this for a long time to come.”
That’s the perfect distillation of what this has been all about. It also reveals what it was never about.
It was never about letting the American people have a voice in the makeup of the Supreme Court. That’s what Mr. McConnell and other Senate Republicans claimed in 2016, when they blocked President Obama from filling a vacancy with nearly a year left in his term. As of Monday, more than 62 million Americans had already voted in the 2020 election. Forget the polls; the best indicator that Mr. McConnell believes these voters are in the process of handing both the White House and the Senate to Democrats was his relentless charge to fill the Ginsburg vacancy.
It was never about fighting “judicial activism.” For decades, Republicans accused some judges of being legislators in robes. Yet today’s conservative majority is among the most activist in the court’s history, striking down long-established precedents and concocting new judicial theories on the fly, virtually all of which align with Republican policy preferences.
It was never about the supposed mistreatment that Robert Bork, a Reagan nominee, suffered at the hands of Senate Democrats in 1987. That nomination played out exactly as it should have. Senate Democrats gave Judge Bork a full hearing, during which millions of Americans got to experience firsthand his extremist views on the Constitution and federal law. He received an up-or-down vote on the Senate floor, where his nomination was defeated by Democrats and Republicans together. President Ronald Reagan came back with a more mainstream choice, Anthony Kennedy, and Democrats voted to confirm him nine months before the election. Compare that with Republicans’ 2016 blockade of Judge Merrick Garland, whom they refused even to consider, much less to vote on: One was an exercise in a divided but functioning government, the other an exercise in partisan brute force.
How will a Justice Barrett rule? The mad dash of her confirmation process tells you all you need to know. Republicans pretended that she was not the anti-abortion hard-liner they have all been pining for, but they betrayed themselves with the sheer aggressiveness of their drive to get her seated on the nation’s highest court. Even before Monday’s vote, Republican presidents had appointed 14 of the previous 18 justices. The court has had a majority of Republican-appointed justices for half a century. But it is now as conservative as it has been since the 1930s.
Of all the threats posed by the Roberts Court, its open scorn for voting rights may be the biggest. In 2013, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote the lead opinion in the most destructive anti-voter case in decades, Shelby County v. Holder, which gutted the central provision of the Voting Rights Act and opened the door to rampant voter suppression, most of it targeted at Democratic voters. Yet this month, Chief Justice Roberts sided with the court’s remaining three liberals to allow a fuller count of absentee ballots in Pennsylvania. The four other conservatives voted against that count. In other words, with Justice Barrett’s confirmation the court now has five justices who are more conservative on voting rights than the man who nearly obliterated the Voting Rights Act less than a decade ago.
In 2015, when the Supreme Court ruled that the Constitution protected same-sex marriage, Justice Antonin Scalia angrily dissented. “A system of government that makes the People subordinate to a committee of nine unelected lawyers does not deserve to be called a democracy,” he wrote.
The American people, who have preferred the Democratic nominee in six of the last seven presidential elections, are now subordinate to a solid 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court.
Republicans accuse those who are trying to salvage the integrity and legitimacy of the Supreme Court with trying to change the rules or rig the game. Having just changed the rules in an attempt to rig the game, that’s particularly galling for them to say.
The courts must not be in the position of resolving all of America’s biggest political debates. But if Americans can agree on that, then they should be able to agree on mechanisms to reduce the Supreme Court’s power and influence in American life.
As Justice Scalia would put it, a democracy in which the people’s will is repeatedly thwarted by a committee of unelected lawyers is not a democracy at all."

Opinion | Amy Coney Barrett and the Republican Party's Supreme Court - The New York Times